2001
Revue internationale de droit pénal
Lay participation in Germany
Walter Perron
[*]
Lay participation is widely spread in the German criminal jurisdiction. Since
1924 this has exclusively been in the shape of so-called
Schöffengerichte (lay
assessor courts), a collaborative court of one to three professional judges and two
or three lay assessors, having essentially equal rights and tasks. However, lay
participation affects only the public and oral trial, which is supposed to be the
basis of any conviction. Thus, complying with the legislator´s original intent. The
procedural reality looks different though, for alternative ways of resolving a
criminal case without a trial and lay participation have come into existence; this is
true especially for petty offenses committed by first time offenders, which
constitgute the majority of trials.
[1]
I. & II. Jurisdiction and Composition of the Lay Assessor Courts
a) In general, lay judges participate in almost all trials in the courts of first
instance. Lay jurisdiction is spread over three types of trial courts (Amtsgericht =
local court, Landgericht = district court, Oberlandesgericht = high district court)
with varying panels of participating judges differing in number and composition.
At the highest level court of first instance, the
Oberlandesgericht, responsible
for offenses like espionage,
[2] no lay judges participate, but only panels of three or
five professional judges.
[3] At the lowest level court of first instance, the
Amtsgericht, lay judges are excluded from trials of minor offenses with a
maximum exptected punishment of two years imprisonment.
[4] These cases are
decided by a single professional judge, a so-called
Strafrichter. In the
Amtsgericht
there is also a collaborative court (
Schöffengericht), consisting of one professional
presiding judge and two lay assessors
[5] for rather serious crimes with a sentence
up to four years of imprisonment.
[6] At the middle level court of first instance, the
Landgericht, mixed panels of two or three professional judges and two lay
assessors jursidiction over all more serious felony crimes.
[7]
b) With respect to postconviction review, there are two different kinds of
appeals from judgments by courts of first instance, the
Berufung and
Revision.
[8]
The
Berufung appeal on fact and law, is admissible against judgments of the
Amtsgericht
[9] and results in a new public trial before the appellate division of the
Landgericht as court of second instance, with one presiding professional and two
lay judges.
[10]
The
Revision exclusively addresses violations of the law which do not require
any new fact-finding and is permitted : (1) against first-instance judgments of the
Landgericht or
Oberlandesgericht
[11], which are then heard in the
Bundesgerichtshof,
[12] and (2) appellate decisions of the Landgericht, which are
heard in the
Oberlandesgericht;
[13] no lay judges are involved in any of these
proceedings after
Berutung.
[14]
All these jurisdictions are statutory and binding on every party. Especially the
defendant cannot influence these official channels. It is to some minor degree
within the prosecutor´s discretion, however, to choose the court and panel that
decides the indictment which he or she has filed. The jurisdiction of a professional
Strafrichter for instance, who decides without any lay participation, depends on
whether the sentence expected is no more than two years.
[15] In certain cases the
prosecutor can therefore avoid a
Schöffengericht with its one professional and
two lay judges, by predicting a sentence according to the provision.
[16] This is not
a safe way of circumvention though, since the court is
not bound by the
punishment requested by the prosecutor´s indictment, so the judge can bring the
indictment before a higher court that then decides the appropriate jurisdiction.
[17]
§ 24 para. 1 no. 3 GVG provides an additional option for the prosecutor to
decide whether to indict with the
Schöffengericht at the
Amtsgericht or the
Strafkammer at the
Landgericht, if the special significance of the case“ requires
an indictment before the latter. This kind of decision - unlike the one mentioned
above – does not affect the participation of lay assessors, since they participate in
both courts, the
Schöffengericht as well as the
Strafkammer, but influences the
number of professional judges and moreover the kind of appeal permitted against
the judgment of the court of first instance. As a matter of principle the courts
aren´t bound by the legal definition of the indicted offenses
[18] and can therefore
control their jurisdiction themselves.
[19]
III. Role of the Lay Judges in the Taking of Evidence
a) The taking of evidence is of an inquisitorial nature, i.e. the court is obliged
to ascertain the truth and must collect all the evidence necessary to this end on its
own motion.
[20] The presiding judge, who is always a professional,
[21] conducts the
trial.
[22] By doing so, he calls the witnesses and experts, examines them and
decides what other sources of evidence ought to be introduced in the trial. His
professional and lay colleagues as well as all other participants (such as
prosecutor, defendant, defense counsel, secondary accuser and attorney) are
also allowed to address the witnesses and experts with additional questions.
[23]
Moreover the prosecutor, defendant, defense counsel, secondary accuser and
attorney can make the court call additional witnesses and experts and introduce
other forms of evidence in the trial. A rejection of such motions for additional
evidence is possible under rather narrow conditions.
[24]
The principles of orality and immediacy apply at the trial. Witnesses’
statements have to be made in person and therefore cannot be read out or
replaced by records of former interrogations in the investigative file.
[25] Even
though there are exceptions to this rule,
[26] each piece of evidence must normallyh
be newly and directly presented and heard in open court.
b) The court´s duty to ascertain the truth on its own intitiative requires the
professional judges to thoroughly study the investigative file before the trial. This
system thereby causes a danger of biased courts, that can only partly be reduced
by the other participants who have full knowledge of the investigative files and
can point out investigative errors and additional evidence needed even before the
trial starts. Because of this danger of prejudice, the
Bundesgerichtshof (BGH)
does not allow the lay judges to take a look at the file,
[27] though it recently allowed
them access to certain documents in the investigative dossier in order to have
them understand the proceedings better.
[28]
c) The entire court and not the presiding judge her- or himself, decides on all
important procedural issues during the trial.
[29] Before a decision is made the
judges discuss the issue among themselves. Throughout the whole decisionmaking process the lay judges have the same rights as their professional
colleagues. Although only a simple majority is necessary on procedural issues,
lay judges cannot be outvoted by their professional colleagues.
[30] This is even
more true for rulings on the verdict and sentence, where a two-thirds majority is
required;
[31] lay judges therefore can prevent any ruling to the defendant´s
disadvantage. This makes the lay judges´position in the criminal justice system
appear to be extremely strong. As a matter of fact their actual influence is far
weaker, since no decision is made without a preceding discussion with their
professional counterparts.
[32]
d) The victim can also crucially influence the taking of the evidence during
many trials. In particular victims of violent crimes have the right to take part in the
trial as secondary accuser (collateral complainant) with the assistance of an
attorney.
[33] In that situation the victim and his/her attorney have similar rights as
the prosecutor and defense counsel or the defendant, such as questioning the
witnesses and experts, filing motions for the taking of additional evidence, giving
statements and challenging judges and experts on grounds of bias.
[34] This
extensive participation of the victim does not cause too many problems, because
the essential taking of the evidence is still up to the court.
All the other participants are merely permitted supplementary questions,
motions etc., so the trial proceedings do not get restructured by including other
participants apart from the prosecution and defense as part of the system.
If the victim plans to sue someone for damages, his/her civil lawsuit can
theoretically be attached to the criminal trial.
[35] However this is exceptionally rare
in practice, since it is within the court´s discretion to refuse an attachment if the
civil complaint does not suit the criminal trial or if it tends to slow it down.
[36]
IV. Which Factual and Legal Questions Must the Lay Judges Decide and
How Are They Formulated ?
Lay judges are not publicly informed of the relevant law by their professional
colleagues. The professional judges instruct the lay assessors in chambers.
These deliberations are not put on the record and take place in closed
meetings.
[37] The manner of these legal deliberations can´t therefore be specified
nor be the object of an appeal.
Though the participants (prosecutor, defense counsel, secondary accuser)
can discuss the relevant statutes in their closing arguments, they are not allowed
to call upon the lay judges to oppose the professional judges. As a general rule
German courts are quite reluctant to make a statement on the relevant law, trying
not to give any impression of bias and thereby avoiding any challenge by the
defense on grounds of bias. If the judge and defense counsel have a relationship
of trust where challenges are out of question, it is not at all unusual for them to
discuss legal issues more openly. Indeed, defense counsel often offers
cooperation and shows his/her willingness to make concessions in order to get an
idea about the court´s attitude. Lay judges rarely play an active role when a case
is discussed exclusively amongst professionals (judges, prosecutors, defense
counsel, attorney of the secondary accuser).
V. Deliberation and Deciding Questions of Fact, Law and Guilt
The deliberation is chaired by the presiding professional judge. In the event
of disagreement, the entire court votes in order to resolve them.
[38] Since both the
deliberation and vote are secret it is not known whether the court obeys these
laws. When it comes to the vote, the lay judges vote first, starting with the
youngest among them, followed by the professional judges, with the youngest
voting first and the presiding judge last.
[39] This order does not prevent the
professionals from discussing the expected outcome with the lay assessors in
advance as well as informing them of their concrete findings and vote.
Usually the investigative files and personal notes of all judges, whether
professional or lay, are available during the deliberation. The length of a
deliberation varies from case to case and cannot always be assessed by other
participants, for the court may retreat to chambers during the trial to discuss not
only procedural issues but also the evidence that has been submitted to the court
up to that time. After a full-day trial deliberations usually last one hour and
sometimes more. The deliberation and vote are both strictly confidential.
[40]
Despite this secrecy the presiding judge elucidates certain issues that were part
of the deliberation, by publicly giving reasons for the court´s ruling, without having
to get concrete about the course of the deliberation and vote.
The lay judges have an equal role in the vote.
[41] If they ignore the law and by
doing so prevent the majority necessary for a lawful judgment. The professional
judges have no remedy. In such a case, the professional judges will clearly set
out this error in the written opinion, so the prosecutor, defense counsel or
secondary accuser can successfully appeal from the judgment.
As mentioned before the court orally announces and orally gives reasons for
its judgment.
[42] After it is announced, the professional judges must put it down in
writing and sign it within a period of five weeks, which can be extended under
certain circumstances.
[43] This written version also sets out detailed reasons for the
judgment, that are open to legal scrutiny by the appellate courts.
Only the professional judges draw up and sign the written reasons for the
judgment,
[44] even when they are outvoted by the lay judges.
The content of the written judgment laid out in § 267 StPO. In particular
evidence impacting upon the verdict and sentence should be described and
legally evaluated. The courts of appeals constantly increased the requirements
for the written reasons for judgment, so the trial courts now have to set out in
detail the essential evidence taken, the crucial aspects of its evaluation and the
reasons for the sentence. This is why the length of a judgment – especially when
appealed
[45] - can easily reach ten pages in minor cases or short trials and up to a
hundred pages and more in lengthier trials or even in marathon trials.
a) Both guilty and not-guilty judgments may be appealed to a higher court.
Appeals from the
Amtsgericht can be taken to the
Landgericht as court of second
instance. Here the case is tried again in a
Berufung as essentially a trial
de
novo
[46] where not only the legal issues but also the facts may be scrutinized.
b) The judgment of a Berufung can then be appealed by Revision to the
Oberlandesgericht as the third instance. Judgments of the Landgericht and
Oberlandesgericht when serving as courts of original jurisdiction, can only be
appealed by Revision to the Bundesgerichtshof, so that serious felony cases are
tried before two authorities at the most.
The
Revision addresses exclusively legal issues
[47] contained in the written
judgment the formal trial record, (excluding evidence) and the reasons given for
the appeal. Thus the scope of review seems to be very limited. In fact the Court of
the
Revision require the lower courts to include in the written judgment the
essential aspects of the taking of evidence, its evaluation and the sentence. If this
version turns out to be incomplete, contradictory or incompatible with verifiable
findings, the court may classify them as legal errors and reverse the appealed
judgment.
[48] That´s how the courts of the
Revision nowadays thoroughly scrutinize
the fact-finding as well as the evaluation of the evidence and the sentence. If the
judgment is based on a legal error the Court of
Revision will reverse the
judgment.
[49] As a general rule the case is then remanded for retrial before the
fact-finding judicial instance.
[50] Under an exception to this rule the Court of
Revision may itself rule on the issue, provided that no additional evaluation of
facts is needed and merely one specific statutory sentence is in question.
[51]
VIII. Circumventing the Jurisdiction of the Lay Court
a) There is no systematic circumvention of German courts with lay
assessors. Therefore lay judges participate in the German criminal trial to a large
extent. The following table shows how the trials were distributed among the
different courts in 1997.
CRIMINAL CASES DISPOSED IN 1997
Courts of First Instance (In Total 833.739)
Amtsgerichte Oberlandesgericht
e
Landgerichte
Strafrichter Schöffengeri Strafkammer Strafsenat
(no lay judges) cht (2/3 professional judges, (3/5 professional
(1/2 2 lay judges) judges)
professional
judges,
2 lay judges)
86 % 12 % 2 % 0,01 %
Appellate Courts (In Total 63.595)
Landgerichte Bundesgerichtshof
Oberlandesgerichte
Berufung from judgments Revision from appellate Revision from first
by the Amtsgerichte judgments by the instance-judgments
Landgerichte, by the Landgericht
„Sprungrevision“ from and
(1/2/3 professional judgments by the Oberlandesgericht
judges, Amtsgerichte
2 lay judges) (5 professional
judges)
(3 professional judges)
85 % 9 % 6 %
Source: Federal Bureau of Statistics at Wiesbaden
Federal Bureau of Statistics at Wiesbaden
b) The majority of cases are tried before a single professional judge
(Strafrichter) without any lay participation. This is not due to any manipulative
charging policies of the prosecutor but corresponds with the legislative intent of
having single judges cope with the mass of minor cases without the effort of lay
involvement. Lay participation generally does not have a vital impact on the
criminal process for the professional judges dominate the trials. By contrast it is a
decisive factor for the prosecution whether to indict a serious crime before the
Schöffengericht (Amtsgericht) or the Strafkammer (Landgericht, s. table above),
although lay judges participate in the same way in both courts. Judgments by the
Schöffengericht can be appealed by Berufung on questions of facts, those by the
Landgericht can merely be appealed by Revision on questions of law. The form of
appellate review has a crucial impact on the trial proceedings, because, in
particular, violations of procedural rules can be neutralized by Berufung on the
appellate level, whereas in cases of Revision procedural errors usually force the
court to reverse the appealed judgment and remand the case to the trial court for
a new trial. Besides, an indictment before the Schöffengericht opens up two levels
of appellate review instead of only one if the case is brought before the
Landgericht. Therefore it is easy to understand why the prosecutor´s decision on
where to indict is significantly based on the different forms of appellate review and
their consequences, while lay participation is of almost no relevance here.
c) A confession shortens a trial without making it redundant. On the one hand
the court is not bound by confessions since they are just one among several
pieces of evidence being subjected to evaluation; on the other hand the final
sentence has to be determined in open court as a part of the trial. Nevertheless
the prosecutor, judge and defense counsel very often negotiate the final outcome
of a case. This is partly to keep the defense from filing extensive motions for
evidence that usually burden the court with additional work and make resolution
of the case more difficult. Provided that the court indicates a sufficiently low
sentence, defense counsel often offers a confession and a conflict-free defense
strategy. Usually the negotiations take place outside the courtroom without any
lay judges participating. Having reached an agreement the professional judges
usually succeed in convincing their lay assessors that this outcome is acceptable
and obtain the negotiated verdict and sentence in the final deliberation. Thus it is
my understanding that lay participation does not substantially impair negotiations
in criminal proceedings. Furthermore cases are rarely negotiated just to exclude
the lay judges.
d) As mentioned in the introduction, minor criminal cases can be legally
settled without a public trial (hearing) according to the German Code of Criminal
Procedure. It is within the prosecutor´s discretion to dispose of a case - with or
without imposing certain conditions on the defendant – even if the defendant is
found guilty.
[52] In most cases the prosecutor is not allowed to drop the case
without judicial consent, though in practice the judges almost never refuse their
consent. Moreover the prosecutor can file a motion for a "penal order"
(
Strafbefehl), issued by a professional judge at the "Amtsgericht", that fixes a
specific sentence and is imposed without an oral trial.
[53] Once accepted by the
defendant, a penal order is comparable to a final judgment.
About 75% of all chargeable cases are disposed of by penal orders or by
dispositions according to §§ 153 et seq. StPO.
[54] It should be noted, however, that
the underlying purpose of this practice is to avoid a public trial and not to
circumvent lay participation.
[55]
IX. Who Are the Lay Judges and How Are They Selected ?
a) Lay judges are chosen by a process of proposal and selection. Every four
years the communities, more precisely their political organizations, make out a list
of potential lay assessors twice the number actually needed.
[56] In practice the
political parties basically propose the candidates with a two-thirds majority of the
municipal authorities necessary for an approval of the list. The candidates should
represent all sections of the population.
[57] A board of one professional judge, one
administrative officer and ten confidants designated by the public administration,
thereupon selects the lay judges from all candidates on the list.
[58] It is then
determined in advance when the
Schöffengericht and
Strafkammer will be in
session, before the lay judges are appointed for these sessions by random
selection. Every lay assessor shall thereby be in session a total of 12 days.
[59]
As already mentioned the lay judges proposed by the community should
adequately represent the various sections of the population of the specific district.
Anyone who has a criminal record, is presently the subject of a criminal
investigation or has a limited competency to enter into legal transactions
[60] is
precluded from becoming a lay assessor. Besides these restrictions, only persons
between 25 and 70 years without mental disabilities and physical ailments should
be selected.
[61] Furthermore, certain occupational groups such as judges,
prosecutors, attorneys or law enforcement officers are excluded. Apart from that
there are no statutory restrictions of any kind, such as educational requirement.
Reliance is placed in the communities to select the persons most suitable.
Lay judges also participate in juvenile courts. Here they are proposed by a
special board for the assistance of young people instead of the communities,
[62]
since educative skills and practical experiences in upbringing
[63] are considered as
the necessary in juvenile affairs.
b) The lay assessors are chosen before trial, so the defendant, his/her
counsel, the prosecutor and the other participants cannot influence the selection
of lay judges. The participants can file a motion alleging bias, however, whether
the judge is professional or lay. This applies to any judge who turns out to be
related to the defendant or victim by birth or marriage, if he/she had already
handled the case at a different stage or if other circumstances cause a concern
about prejudice.
[64]
c) As already mentioned, lay judges are elected for a term of four years;
within that period they are in session twelve days every year. After that tenure
they can be re-elected for a second term.
[65] Lay judges hold an honorary
position
[66] though they receive a compensation of DM 8.- (EUR 4.-) per hour as
compensation for the loss of earnings and fare if necessary.
[67]
X. Short History of Lay Participation in the Criminal Trial in Germany
As my German colleague Dr. Koch
[68] will present an essential part of the
historical origins of lay participation in his report at this conference, I confine
myself to just a few notes here.
[69]
In German history the administration of criminal justice has been in the hands
of lay judges for the longest time. At first they were all the members of a
community, later on just a few of them, the so-called Schöffen. A single chief
judge (earl or Schultheiß) was eventually separated from the other judges who
reached their judgment in his absence. Along with the reception of Roman law
(from the 15th Century on) came the gradual emergence of professional judges,
until the lay judge all but disappeared from the courtrooms. In the 19th century the
reintegration of lay judges was fiercely disputed in Germany following the French
Revolution, with England and France serving as models. After the German Reich
was established a combination of Jury Courts, Schöffengerichte (Courts of Lay
Assessors) and other exclusively professional panels (Spruchkörper) was
introduced with the StPO and GVG. In 1924 the Jury Courts were finally
abolished and a mixed system of Schöffengerichte and exclusively professional
panels was established.
XI. Empirical, Sociological or Legal Studies of the Effectiveness of Lay
Participation in Germany
With my German colleague Dr. Rennig we have a competent examiner of
that topic at this conference, so I will again restrict myself and draw your attention
to just a few references here.
[70] There are few empiricial studies based on
interviews of professional and lay judges
.
[71] The studies of
Casper/Zeisel, Klausa
and
Rennig are especially worth mentioning.
[72] All these studies unanimously
point to the limited influence of lay judges in the German criminal trial.
Professional and lay judges do not often disagree and the few discordances they
have usually relate to the sentence rather than the question of guilt. If an
agreement cannot be reached, it is usually the professional judges who assert
themselves against their lay colleagues. All interviewees have confirmed,
however, that lay judges do influence judicial decisions to a certain extent.
Both professional and lay judges as well as the public evaluate the current
state of lay participation as mainly positive.
[73] However, several studies indicate
that officials and employees with the public service are clearly over-represented
among the lay assessors.
[74]
XII. Criticism of Lay Participation in Scholarly Writings and the Public
Sphere
a) Only a few German scholars have critically discussed lay participation in
the German cirminal trial.
[75]
There is no adequate public discussion, particularly in the media. This
restraint can be attributed to the rather subdued activity of lay judges in the public
hearing, limited usually to a few questions to the witnesses and experts. The
public is therefore simply not able to discern any lay influence even in the rare
cases where the lay assessors exert special influence on the judgment.
b) The concrete form of lay participation under the applicable law is one main
issue of scientific debate. The primary question is whether lay assessors should
study the investigative dossiers.
[76] There are two opposing views on this.
Approximately one half agree with the current law denying lay judges access to
the investigative files, arguing that knowledge of these files would hinder an
unbiased evaluation of all evidence adduced in open court. This opinion also
considers the risk of prejudice higher with non-professional than with exclusively
professional judges. Preventing examination of the files would furthermore be a
safeguard for the principles of orality and immediacy.
Those arguing in favor of access, object that the risk of biased judgments is
just as high with professional judges. There being no objective reasons for this
distinction. The refusal of access does in fact result in a judicial disequilibrium,
allowing the professional judges to even more easily assert themselves just
because of their superior knowledge.
[77]
Meanwhile it is furthermore criticized that lay judges are excluded from
writing the reasons for judgment, considering that these are the basis of any
appeal. Thus the professional judges – even when outvoted by lay assessors -
can frame the written arguments in such a manner that the Court of the
Revision
has to reverse the judgment and order a new trial. It is argued, that this also
considerably diminishes lay influence on the criminal trial.
[78]
c) In addition the fundamental legitimacy of lay participation is in dispute.
While very few people call for its abolition,
[79] most critics merely point out that the
original reasons for lay participation have become irrelevant and that the
disadvantages have increased instead.
[80] After the inquisitorial system had been
abolished, the legislator originally intended to strengthen judicial independence
and to counterbalance the power of professional judges who then were not only
employees of the state but also under the influence of executive authorities.
Today the professional judges can hardly be influenced by the executive
anymore, in fact they hold a strong position as a result of their constitutionally
granted independence.
[81]
Not only the cost and length of trials with lay participation have been
criticized. After all it is the mass media´s lively interest in criminal trials that makes
it difficult to protect the lay assessors from subjective influences. Finally little
importance is attached to other arguments in favor of lay participation, such as
improving the public’s legal consciousness understanding of the judgment and
introducing non-juridical and social aspects into the criminal process.
All in all one is very cautious in drawing conclusions on this subject. Since lay
assessors in fact have a weak position, no one seriously or emphatically
demands their abolition. On the other hand - besides the discussion on the
access of investigative files - no one really supports an amplification of the lay
judges´ position. Above all there is no voice calling for a return to the Jury Courts.
[*]
Professor of German and Comparative, Criminal Law and Procedure, Johannes
Gutenberg University, Mainz, Germany
[1]
See Wolfgang Heinz
, Die Staatsanwaltschaft, Selektions- und Sanktionsinstanz im
statistischen Graufeld, in :
H.J.Albrecht e.a. (editor), INTERNATIONALE PERSPEKTIVE IN KRIMINOLOGIE UND
STRAFRECHT, Festschrift für
Günter Kaiser, 1998, p. 85- 125.
See infra VIII.
[7]
Strafkammer, § 76 GVG.
[8]
§§ 312,333 Strafprozessordnung = StPO cite.
[13]
German Supreme Court.
[18]
§§ 155 para. 2,264 para. 2 StPO.
[20]
§ 244 para. 2 StPO, ex-officio inquiries.
[21]
§ 28 para. 2 Deutsches Richtergesetz =DriG.
[22]
§ 238 para.1 StPO.
[23]
§§ 240,397 StPO.
[24]
§§ 244 paras. 3 and 6,245,246,397 StPO.
[26]
§§ 251-256 StPO.
[27]
BGHSt 13,73,75; s. WERNER BEULKE, STRAFPROZEßRECHT (Criminal Procedure); 3rd ed.
1998, at 408 as well as in VII.
[28]
BGHSt 43,36,39. In the specific case : taped transcripts of telephone surveillance.
[29]
§§ 238 para. 2,244 para. 6 StPO.
[30]
Except for serious offenses tried before the "Landgerichte", where the court [
Große
Strafkammer] consists of three professional and two lay judges, § 76 paras. 1 and 2 GVG).
[32]
See the related annotations in XI.
[37]
§ 193 GVG, §§ 43,45 para. 1 DriG.
[40]
§§ 43,45 para. 1 DriG.
[41]
§ 45 para. 1 DRiG, §§ 30 para. 1,70 GVG.
[44]
§ 275 para. 2 StPO.
[45]
Without an appeal the written reasons don´t have to be that detailed (§ 267 para. 4 StPO).
[46]
The hearing of the evidence may be shortened with the prosecutor´s and defense
counsel´s consent, see §§ 324,325 StPO
[48]
See Ernst-Walter Hanack
, in : Löwe-Rosenberg, StPO, 25th ed. (1999), § 337 note 120ff.
[49]
§§ 337,338 StPO.
[50]
§ 354 para. 2 StPO.
[51]
§ 354 para. 1 StPO.
[53]
§§ 407 ff. StPO.
[54]
See Heinz,
supra note 1, at 104
[55]
Lay assessors would not participate in these cases anyway for they are tried by a single
professional judge (
Strafrichter) § 25 para. 2 GVG.
[57]
§ 36 para. 2 GVG.
[62]
§ 35 Abs.1 Jugendgerichtsgesetz = JGG.
[65]
§ 34 Abs. 1 Nr.7 GVG.
[67]
For full particulars see the Act of compensation for judicial lay participation
(Bundesgesetzblatt[=BGBl.] I 1969, p. 1753 last changed by the "Kostengesetz" that became effective
on the 24th of June 1994, BGBl. I 1994, p. 1325)
[68]
See Koch, in this volume.
[69]
See the short survey by Eduard Kern
, GERICHTSVERFASSUNGSRECHT, 4th ed. 1965,
p. 111 f.
[70]
See Renning, in this volume.
[71]
A general survey can be found with the secondary analysis of
Dessecker/Geissler-Frank.
AXEL DESSECKER /ISOLDE GEISSLER-FRANK, EMPIRISCHE FORSCHUNGSARBEITEN ZUM STRAFVERFAHREN
UND STRAFVERFAHRENSRECHT, Freiburg i. Br. 1995, S. 145-150
[72]
GERHARD CASPER /HANS ZEISEL, DER LAIENRICHTER IM STRAFPROZESS, VIER EMPIRISCHE
STUDIEN ZUR RECHTSVERGLEICHUNG, 1979; EKKEHARD KLAUSA, EHRENAMTLICHE RICHTER, IHRE
AUSWAHL UND FUNKTION, EMPIRISCH UNTERSUCHT, 1972; CHRISTOPH RENNIG, DIE
ENTSCHEIDUNGSFINDUNG DURCH SCHÖFFEN UND BERUFSRICHTER IN RECHTLICHER UND
PSYCHOLOGISCHER SICHT, 1993.
[73]
See DESSECKER /GEISSLER-FRANK
, supra note 12, at 146.
[74]
See DESSECKER /GEISSLER-FRANK
, supra note 12, at 149 f.
[75]
See Fitz Baur
, Laienrichter – heute ?, in : RECHTSWISSENSCHAFTLICHE ABTEILUNG DER
RECHTS - UND WIRTSCHAFTSWISSENSCHAFTLICHEN FAKULTÄT DER UNIVERSITÄT TÜBINGEN (ed.), Tübinger
Festschrift für Eberhard Kern, 1968, p. 49-64; ULRIKE BENZ, ZUR ROLLE DER LAIENRICHTER IM
STRAFPROZEß, 1982; Thomas Hillenkamp
, Zur Teilhabe des Laienrichters, in : Hans-Jörg Albrecht u.a.
(ed.), INTERNATIONALE PERSPEKTIVEN IN KRIMINOLOGIE UND STRAFRECHT, Festschrift für Günther Kaiser
zum 70. Geburtstag, Berlin 1998, p. 1437-1459; FRANK KEMMER, BEFANGENHEIT VON SCHÖFFEN DURCH
AKTENKENNTNIS ?, 1989; HEINZ HEINER KÜHNE, STRAFPROZEßLEHRE, 4th ed. 1992, p. 22ff.;
Rennig,
supra note 13, at 176ff.; HEINRICH RÜPING, DAS STRAFVERFAHREN, 3rd ed. 1997, p. 17 f.; EBERHARD
SCHILKEN, GERICHTSVERFASSUNGSRECHT, 2nd ed. 1994, p. 351 f.; MANFRED WOLF,
GERICHTSVERFASSUNGSRECHT ALLER VERFAHRENSZWEIGE, 6th ed. 1987, p. 228 f.
[77]
See in detail on this Hillenkamp,
supra note 16, at 1443 et seq. with additional references.
[78]
See Hillenkamp,
supra note 16 at 1457 f.
[79]
See Bauer
, supra note 16, at 61, pointing in that direction.
[80]
See KÜHNE,
supra note 16, at 23f.; Wolf
, supra note 16, at 228 f.
[81]
See Art. 97 Grundgesetz (German Constitution), providing for the independence of judges,
the impossibility of unlawfully dismissing or even transferring judges before the expiration of their
tenure.