2001
Revue internationale de droit pénal
>Influence of lay assessors and giving reasons for the judgement in German mixed courts
Christoph Rennig
[*]
Influence of lay assessors on the decisions of German Schöffengerichte
1. Frequency of dissent between lay assessors and professional judges
This article focuses upon one type of German mixed court, the
Schöffengerichte, which is composed of one professional judge and two lay assessors.
There, the lay assessors hold a 2/3-majority and therefore have the power to
carry through any kind of decision, even the conviction of a defendant, against the
vote of the presiding professional judge.
[1]
The deliberations of the courts are confidential. Professional judges and lay
assessors have to preserve the secrecy of the deliberation of a particular case.
Dissenting opinions may not be made public. Therefore it is difficult to measure
the frequency of disagreement between lay assessors and professional judges in
a reliable way. Several empirical studies about German mixed courts do not relate
to a defined sample of trials and deliberations. The authors of those studies
[2]
asked lay assessors and professional judges to give a general rating of how often
they experienced differences of opinions in the deliberations. That means, that
every subject should take as a basis of her or his rating all the deliberations she
or he took part in. But the respective trials and deliberations differ between sub-jects, and therefore the subjects´ ratings are related to non-identical or, in best
case, partly identical quantities of particular deliberation processes. If all the
subjects´ estimates are nevertheless put together for data analysis, the results at
best give a very rough estimate of the frequency of dissent in deliberations. From
the studies cited it can be tentatively concluded that differences of opinions between lay assessors and professional judges occur only in a minority of cases.
In two other studies the deliberation processes in a sample of
particular trials
were analyzed by questioning the judges in a way that preserved their anonymity.
That method allowed a determination of the proportion of deliberations within the
respective sample in which lay assessors and professional judges disagreed.
CASPER & ZEISEL
[3] questioned the professional judges presiding a
Schöffengericht
about the deliberation processes in 341 cases. With regard to differences of
opinions between lay assessors and professional judges, the authors distinguished between disagreement in the question of guilt and, in case of sentencing,
dissent in the question of punishment. In 6% of the cases where the defendants
had
not made a full confession (58% of all cases, n=201), the professional judge
and at least one lay assessor disagreed on the question of guilt.
[4] In 21% of the
cases where the defendant was sentenced (87% of all cases, n=298), the professional judges and at least one lay assessor had different opinions about the punishment to be imposed.
[5] Presumably, dissent occurred even more frequently in
CASPER & ZEISEL ´s sample than these results indicate. The authors questioned
only the professional judge, not the lay assessors. Therefore a particular deliberation process was only classified as controversial if the presiding judge during the
deliberation really perceived actual differences of opinions.
The author of this article questioned professional judges and lay assessors
from 67
Schöffengerichte about their deliberations and decision processes in 67
cases.
[6] While the anonymity of subjects was preserved, it was still possible to
assign to each other the questionnaires that had been answered by members of
the same court. The complicated questioning procedure resulted in a lot of missing data. From 13 of the 67 courts, one questionnaire completed by the professional judge and two questionnaires answered by the two lay assessors were
returned. From another seven courts questionnaires completed by the professional judge and by only one lay assessor were available. These 20 cases were
analyzed. The subjects were asked to specify the decision they tentatively preferred “on the way to the deliberation room”. The individually preferred decisions
of the three (or two) subjects belonging to the same court were compared with
each other. The cases were subsumed under the categories “objective dissent”
and “no objective dissent”. It was expected that questioning all of the three members of the court would enhance the chance of detecting objective disagreement
even if the dissenting opinion had not been expressed clearly during the deliberation.
Dissent in the question of guilt and differences of opinions about the punishment were not analyzed separately, because this distinction would have implied a
presumption about the decision-making process of German criminal judges that
may be false. If a decision on the question of guilt were separated from a sanctioningdecision for analytical purposes, this would imply that the judge’s decisionmaking process is
always at least two-staged : the judge first decides if the defendant is guilty or not, and then and only in case of a guilty verdict decides about
the punishment to be imposed. But this kind of stepwise decision-making does
not necessarily have to be followed by German criminal judges, neither for reasons of court organization nor for reasons of logic. In German mixed courts, professional judges as well as lay assessors decide on the questions of guilt
and
punishment. There are no separate decision-making bodies or benches for the
respective questions. Furthermore some statutory regulations open ways for
leaving a defendant unsentenced without an acquittal, and for imposing some
punishment without pronouncing a “guilty” verdict : according to § 153 of the Code
of Criminal Procedure certain petty offence cases can be terminated by court
order pronouncing an unconditioned dismissal of the criminal proceedings. The
court does not pronounce an acquittal or any other judgement, but anyway the
defendant may just leave the court room without being subject to any kind of
sanction. According to § 153 A of the Code of Criminal Procedure other petty
offence cases can be terminated by court order pronouncing a conditional dismissal of the criminal proceedings. If the defendant and the prosecution agree,
certain conditions are imposed by court order – e.g. paying a certain amount of
money to a welfare institution -, and as soon as the conditions are met, the case
is dismissed. Thus some kind of sanction – like a payment order – is imposed,
but the court does not pronounce a “guilty” verdict, and the defendant is not formally sentenced. Logically, a judge can favour an unconditional or a conditional
dismissal through a one-stage decision making process.
[7]
In the study of RENNIG, acquittal, unconditional and conditional dismissal of
criminal proceedings, fine, suspended imprisonment, and imprisonment were
treated as “legal consequences” of ordinally increasing severity. Some of the
subjects that favoured a sentence did not specify a precisely defined punishment
(like : two years and four months imprisonment) as their initial preference. They
only reported the category of legal consequence which they favoured (like : fine)
or gave a range of a certain kind of punishment (like : imprisonment between nine
and 15 months). The individual preferences of two subjects were classified as
divergent if the subjects preferred legal consequences of a different category, or if
they favoured the same category of legal consequences, but preferred different
specified punishments or non-overlapping ranges of punishments within that
category. This kind of classification was a conservative estimate of the frequency
of disagreement, because all the equivocal cases, where subjects did not specify
their preferences precisely, tended to be classified as “no dissent”. Even this
conservative estimate resulted in eight cases with “objective dissent” out of 20
deliberations (40%).
[8]
These differences of opinions, which seem to occur quite frequently, are not
based upon a
systematic tendency towards severity or leniency on the side of the
lay assessors or the professional judges. In RENNIG ´s study
[9], there appeared no
significant differences in the legal consequences tentatively preferred by lay
assessors or professional judges (tab. 1 a and 1 b).
Tab. 1
a: Legal consequences tentatively preferred by professional jud-
Means
Professional judges
n = 17 3.06
1st lay assessors
n = 17 2.88
p = .616
Tab. 1 a: Legal consequences tentatively preferred by professional judges and lay assessors, scaled as follows:
Acquittal = 0,
Conditional dismissal of criminal proceedings = 1,
Fine = 2,
Suspended imprisonment = 3,
Imprisonment = 6.
T-tests for dependent samples. 1st lay assessor was the lay assessor whose questionnaire came back first or alone.
Tab. 1
b: Legal consequences tentatively preferred by professionaljudges
Means
Professional judges n = 12 2.40
2nd lay assessors n = 12 2.30
p = .267
Tab. 1 b: Legal consequences tentatively preferred by professionaljudges
and lay assessors, scaled as follows:
Acquittal = 0,
conditional dismissal of criminal proceedings = 1,
fine = 2,
suspended imprisonment = 3,
imprisonment = 6.
T-tests for dependent samples. 2nd lay assessor was the lay assessor whose questionnaire was
the second to be returned.
Also the ratings of the importance of sentencing goals given by the professional judge on the one hand by the first or the second lay assessor on the other
hand did not differ significantly (tab.2 a and 2 b).
[10]
Tab. 2
a : Means of ratings of sentencing goals on a 5-point-scale rang-
just deserts rehabilitation individual general inapacitadeterrence deterrence tion
Profess. Judge N = 19 4.39 4.16 3.90 3.21 2.13
1st lay assessor n = 19 4.72 4.37 4.26 3.79 2.94
P .231 .385 .233 .126 .055
Tab. 2 a : Means of ratings of sentencing goals on a 5-point-scale ranging from 1 (not important at all) to 5 (most important);
t-tests for dependent samples.
1st lay assessor was the lay assessor whose questionnaire came back first or alone.
Tab. 2b
Means of ratings of sentencing goals on a 5-point-scale rang-
just rehabilitation individual general deter- inca-de- deterrence rence pacitaserts tion
Profess. Judge N = 12 4.33 4.25 3.92 3.00 2.10
2nd lay assessor n = 12 4.25 4.25 4.00 3.58 3.50
P .264 n.s. .830 .359 .013
Tab. 2b : Means of ratings of sentencing goals on a 5-point-scale ranging from 1 (not important at all) to 5 (most important);
t-tests for dependent samples.
2nd lay assessor was the lay assessor whose questionnaire was the second to be returned.
In cases with dissent in the question of guilt (n = 75), 64% of the lay assessors in the CASPER & ZEISEL study voted more lenient, and 36% voted more severe than the professional judges.
[11] In cases with disagreement about the punishment, lay assessors preferred a more lenient sentence in 55%, a more severe
punishment in 39%, and were equivocal in 6% of the cases.
[12]
2. Perceptions of dissent
In the study done by RENNIG, the subjects were also asked if dissent among
the judges occurred at any time during the deliberation. The cases of the sample
were classified as “dissent reported” or “no dissent reported”. Reported dissent
was
not measured conservatively. If only one of the three subjects who participated in the same deliberation stated that there was a difference of opinions, then
the respective case fell into the category “dissent reported”. “Objective” dissent
and reported dissent were cross-tabulated. The result was quite surprising : In
eight cases the initial preferences of the professional judge and of at least one lay
assessor differed clearly (objective dissent). Dissent was reported by at least one
of the three judges only from four of those eight deliberations (reported dissent,
see table 3).
[13]
Tab. 3:
Objective and reported dissent. Significance test with FISHER ´ S
reported reported
dissent dissent
yes no
Objective
dissent yes 4 4 8
Objective
dissent no 1 11 12
5 15 20
p = .109
Tab. 3: Objective and reported dissent. Significance test with FISHER ´ S
exact test.
There are two cells in table 3 where the classification of a deliberation as
controversial or non-controversial, as it is inferred from the individual decision
preferences of the judges, is not identical with the categorization of the same
case which is based upon the subjects´ reports about perceived dissent. Probably
due to the conservative estimate of objective dissent, one deliberation was misclassified as “objective dissent no” and thus fell under the condition “objective
dissent no / reported dissent yes”. What is more puzzling, is the explanation of the
condition “objective dissent yes / reported dissent no”. There was a clear difference of initial opinions, but nevertheless none of the judges perceived any dissent. The sample is too small for any reliable generalization of the result. But
even four cases of that surprising kind demand some explanation. Maybe some of
the subjects did not give voice to their dissenting opinion at all or did not defend it,
so that their individual preference could not clearly be perceived by the other
judges. Or maybe some of the subjects, while answering the questionnaire, did
not remember correctly the differences of opinions that really occurred during the
deliberation. This interpretation is supported by results of experimental simulations of jury deliberations, where subjects after the deliberation overestimated the
extent of consensus that had been reached during the deliberation.
[14] If some kind
of distortion of perception or of memory should really have contributed to that
effect, it might itself have been motivated by a pursuit of harmony. A majority
(86%, n = 30) of the lay assessors that were questioned by RENNIG did explicitly
not want to disagree with the professional judge’s opinion.
[15]
3. Resolution of conflicts between professional judge’s and lay assessors´
opinions
The individual decision preferences of professional judges on the one hand,
and of lay assessors on the other hand differ more often than the judges themselves realize. How does this influence the court’s decision ?
In the study of CASPER & ZEISEL there were 20 cases where the defendant
had not made a full confession and where the professional judge and at least one
lay assessor disagreed on the question of guilt. In 15 of these cases (75%) the
professional judge prevailed, and in five cases (25%) the lay assessors succeeded.
[16] If the professional judge and at least one lay assessor disagreed on the
punishment (n=63 cases), then the professional judges prevailed in 64% and the
lay assessors in 24% of the cases. In another 11% of these cases the court’s
decision was a compromise between the differing opinions.
[17]
In the study of RENNIG, a subject’s initial preference was compared to the final decision made by the court in order to ascertain if the subject had prevailed or
not. If a subject gave only a vague initial preference, like “fine”, etc., and if the
court’s final decision did not definitively differ from that unclear preference, then
the subject was classified as “successful”. This method provided for a reliable
measure of the number of subjects that definitively did
not prevail. There were
eight cases with objective dissent, with eight professional judges and 14 lay assessors involved. Sixty-four percent of the lay assessors and 13% of the professional judges clearly had not been successful in convincing one other judge of
their own opinion.
[18]
A detailed analysis of the data collected by CASPER & ZEISEL and RENNIG
shows that the lay assessors´ chances to prevail tend towards zero if the lay
assessors do
not hold a common position at the outset of the deliberation. A
professional judge in the minority has quite a good chance to convince one of the
two lay assessors. A lay assessor in the minority will rather be convinced by the
majority than be convincing himself.
[19]
II. Giving reasons for the judgement
1. Different kinds of reasons – which are the relevant ones ?
a) Discussed, orally pronounced, and written reasons for the judgement
Before a judgement is pronounced, the judges deliberate on the decision to
be rendered. During that deliberation, it should become obvious to all the judges
on what reasons the court’s (or the majority’s) final judgement is based. These
considerations which are made confidentially in the deliberation room are the
discussed reasons.
After the end of the deliberation, the public trial is continued with the pronouncement of the judgement by the professional judge. Then the professional
judge orally explains the substantial reasons for the judgement. Giving orally
pronounced reasons is the professional judge’s duty even if the lay assessors
outvoted her or him. In that case the presiding judge has to report the lay assessors´ reasons for their majority decision, has to preserve the secrecy of the deliberation and must not make public that she or he was outvoted. That job is not
easy to do for the professional judge, but in the German criminal justice system
every presiding judge of a criminal court may have to face this uncomfortable
situation. It is always the presiding professional judge who gives the orally pronounced reasons, no matter if the case has been tried before a Schöffengericht,
before a Strafkammer (criminal chamber) staffed with one, two, or three professional judges and two lay assessors, or before a Strafsenat (criminal senate)
staffed with three or five professional judges. In the Strafkammer or the Strafsenat, the presiding professional judge may be in the minority because the other
professional judges disagree with her or him. If that happens, the reasons for the
majority judgement which the presiding judge has to explain orally are “expert”
opinions which the presiding judge does not agree with.
As the orally pronounced reasons for the
Schöffengericht´s judgement are
given in the presence of the lay assessors, the lay assessors who outvoted the
professional judge can – in theory - contradict the professional judge’s report if
they feel that he or she does not properly explain the majority’s decision. But the
author never experienced or heard of a trial where lay assessors actually did that.
The same is true for professional judges. If the presiding judge of a criminal
chamber or a criminal senate which are staffed with several professional judges is
in the minority and has to explain the reasons of the judgement orally, the professional side-judges usually do not dare to correct him or her in open court.
[20]
Finally the professional judge has to give
written reasons for the judgement.
The lay assessors do not have to sign the written judgement.
[21] They would be
allowed to do so if they wanted, but this never happens. In practice, the lay assessors do not control whether the written judgements correctly gives the arguments which were substantial for the court’s decision. The Supreme Federal
Court has repeatedly stated that the professional judge, when signing the written
judgement, testifies that the written reasons completely and truly report the outcome of the deliberation.
[22]
Giving written reasons for the judgement may again be a difficult task for a
professional judge who was in the majority. But a professional judge at a Schöffengericht presumably has already had to formulate judgements which he or she
did not agree with several times before becoming head of a Schöffengericht. Most
German judges are appointed professional side-judge in a civil chamber or a
criminal chamber of first instance at the Landgericht for some period during their
first three years in service. The civil chambers consist of three professional
judges, the criminal chambers at first instance are staffed with three or two professional judges and two lay assessors. For every particular case, one of the
professional judges - as a rule a side-judge - is assigned to be the reporting
judge. When the deliberation starts, it is the reporting judge’s task to sum up the
case, to present his or her view of the case, and to propose a judgement. After
the court’s decision has been pronounced, the reporting judge has to write the
reasons for the judgement which have to be signed by all the professional judges.
Especially young side-judges during their first months in service are sometimes
outvoted. If they are in the minority, they have to write a draft for the judgement
anyway, and have, if necessary, to rewrite the draft several times until the other
professional judge(s) accept(s) it.
b) Relevance of the written judgement
As in every criminal justice system where the courts have to give reasons for
their judgements, the considerations given in the written judgements of German
mixed courts have to meet certain legal requirements, like e.g. absence of contradictions, completeness and rationality of the weighing of evidence, sufficiently
considering all the points of view that can be of importance for the severity of the
punishment, etc.. If the reasons given for a judgement do not meet these requirements, an appeal in matters of law only can be successful. The judges at the
court of appeal know only the written reasons of the contested judgement, because the orally pronounced reasons are not put into writing - they are not made
part of the record of the trial – and the same is true, of course, for the reasons
discussed during deliberation. Therefore, weaknesses of the written reasons
enhance the chances of an appeal in matters of law only, while skillfully drafted
written reasons may prevent a materially doubtful judgement from being overturned by the court of appeal. If an appeal in matters of law only is lodged against
the judgement of a Schöffengericht, the written judgement prepared by the professional judge alone becomes salient.
2. Differences between discussed and written reasons for the judgement
The written reasons for the judgement have to be identical with the discussed
ones. Everybody who frequently has taken part in deliberations of German criminal courts and later read the written judgements will confirm that the written reasons for the judgement in some cases do not correctly reflect the arguments used
during the deliberation. In an empirical study, HASSEMER
[23] could not confirm the
hypothesis that unusual judgements are defended by written reasons which are
particular in terms of content or length. HASSEMER analyzed judgements of single
professional judges in cases of drunken driving with respect to the written reasons
for the punishment. As the judges were sitting alone, there was of course no oral
discussion of the reasons of the judgement. But surely the single judges had to
“deliberate with themselves” before they pronounced their judgement. If the
judges had given written reasons correctly, they should have reported the content
of their “deliberation with themselves” completely and truly. In cases of drunken
driving, almost every German court applies some kind of standardized punishment tariff. This leads to a very small variation in the amount of the fine and in the
length of the suspension of the driver’s license. But from time to time, the courts
make a judgement where the punishment clearly differs from the usual tariff.
Probably, these decisions are based upon particular considerations made by the
single judge. If all the written judgements would truly and completely reflect the
judges´ deliberations with themselves, then the written reasons in these exceptional cases should contain
more arguments than the reasons of standard cases,
and they should contain
other arguments with respect to the punishment. HAS-SEMER analyzed 63 written judgements. The sample comprised 13 cases where
the length of the suspension of the driver’s license clearly differed from the tariff.
The arguments given for these 13 judgements in the written reasons did not differ
significantly in amount or in content from the arguments used in the remaining 50
standard cases.
[24] It might be that the judges who made the 13 exceptional decisions did not explain their considerations completely and truly, and did not give
their real reasons in the written judgements. This assumption can, of course, not
be proven by the insignificant result.
It should be stressed again that any difference between the discussed reasons and the written reasons is not lawful.
[25] The chances that an appeal in matters of law only could be successful may not be the same when the written
judgement truly reports the result of the deliberation than when the written reasons differ from the discussed ones.
3. What happens when the professional judge is in the minority ?
a) Implications of being outvoted for the professional judge
Empirical studies about the reactions of professional judges in mixed courts
who are in the minority have not been carried out yet. Personal experience and
anecdotical reports by professional judges and by lay assessors are the only
sources of information so far. Although sound empirical data are missing, it may
be presumed that any professional judge who is in the minority is not convinced of the majority’s judgement. On the other hand there is no doubt that not every
professional judge who is in the minority wants the lay assessors´ decision to be
contested successfully by an appeal. Of course some professional judges sometimes feel that way. But the frequency and the determining factors of this type of
reaction are not yet clear.
The situation of a professional judge at the
Schöffengericht who is in the minority is different from the situation of a reporting professional judge who was
outvoted (also) by other professional judges. Every written judgement has to be
signed only by the professional judges and by all of the professional judges who
participated in the deliberation.
[26] If a reporting judge in a criminal chamber has
been outvoted, then the written reasons still have to be signed by the other professional judges who will control the reporting judge. In the
Schöffengericht, there
is only one professional judge. Because the lay assessors do not sign the written
judgement and therefore do not read the draft of it
[27], the presiding judge is not
controlled by other participants of the deliberation when he or she is giving the
written reasons.
Therefore, the professional judge at the
Schöffengericht who is in the minority would have the power to manipulate the chances of an eventual appeal
against the judgement by formulating the written judgement in an appropriate
manner. But this judgement will definitively not be reversed by a court of appeal, if
neither prosecution nor defence lodge an appeal against it. So, the professional
judge thus would have to try to provoke an appeal in order to make full use of his
or her power. The written judgement itself is not suited as a trigger for an appeal.
For when the prosecutor or the defense counsel read the written reasons, an
eventual appeal would already be delayed. Any appeal has to be lodged within
one week after the judgement has been orally pronounced,
[28] while the professional judge has five weeks from the oral pronouncement to give written reasons
for the judgement.
[29] Therefore quite a few of the appeals are lodged during the
one-week-period just as a precaution. Some of them are later withdrawn, e.g.
after a careful examination of the written judgement.
b) Motivational aspects of the professional judge’s situation
It is not difficult to describe the task which the professional judge, who is in
the minority, has to perform when giving written reasons for the judgement : The
professional judge just has to write down the arguments and reasons upon which
the majority’s final decision is based. But it may be difficult to fulfill that task, if the
arguments that the lay assessors used during the deliberation were incomplete or
contradictory.
In such case, a professional judge might feel obliged to save the lay assessors´ judgement from being reversed by the court of appeal just because he or
she fully respects the lay assessors´ power. Such a professional judge may tend
to formulate the written judgement in a way that smoothes contradictions between
arguments used by the lay assessors, and may tend to complete arguments that
are missing. By doing so, the professional judge would violate the duty to truly
explain the real reasons for the court’s decision in the written judgement.
In the same situation, another professional judge might take pleasure in
stressing the weak points of the lay assessors´ arguments – first in the oral pronouncement of reasons in order to provoke an appeal against the lay assessors´
decision, and later in the written judgement in order to enhance the chances of an
eventual appeal.
If the lay assessors´ arguments are not obviously deficient, it should not be
too difficult for the professional judge to lay down these arguments properly in the
written reasons. By doing so, the professional judge would comply with the statutory regulations, at the same time being aware that the probability of the judgement being reversed by the court of appeal is not too high. The professional judge
might even be tempted to give doubtful written reasons for the judgement voluntarily, just in order to support an eventual appeal.
c) Reactions of the professional judge who is in the minority
Some professional judges just do their best to give acceptable reasons also
for a Schöffengericht´s judgement which has been forced by the lay assessors.
According to the author’s personal experience, this is the reaction which is most
popular among professional judges at a Schöffengericht.
Other professional judges are said to have done their best to defend the lay
assessors´ judgement too, but to have given also more than just subtle hints to
the fact that they were outvoted by the lay assessors in the orally pronounced as
well as in the written reasons.
[30] Maybe this reaction emerges from the hope that
the professional judges in the court of appeal might feel solidarity with their colleague at the
Schöffengericht and might therefore be inclined to over turn the lay
assessors´ decision.
Stressing – sometimes even searching for and stressing – inconclusive arguments of the lay assessors is another reaction of professional judges in the
minority. During his time as a law apprentice the author witnessed a trial and the
court’s deliberation in a burglary case, where the male defendant had a long
criminal record, but nevertheless seemed to appear most charming to the female
lay assessors. They outvoted the professional judge and forced a suspended
sentence, while the professional judge wanted the defendant to go to jail. In the
written judgement, this judge reported in detail about all the former offences
committed by the defendant, and then just added the sentence : “Anyway, the
court felt it would be adequate to give a probation order again.” This empty argument should have given best support to an appeal lodged by the prosecution.
In another case where the author of this article was the public prosecutor, the
professional judge acted even more directly. During the deliberation pause, everybody in the courtroom could hear a loud discussion from the deliberation room.
After the deliberation was terminated, the professional judge pronounced an
acquittal and orally gave reasons for the decision, as short as possible. Immediately afterwards he came to the prosecutor’s bench and said : “Well, you’ll lodge
an appeal against that judgement, won’t you ?”
The anecdotal reports given above should not be generalized. They just illustrate that a professional judge at a German Schöffengericht who has been outvoted by the lay assessors has means to work towards a successful appeal
against the judgement if he or she wants to do so. How many of the professional
judges at the Schöffengericht act this way when they are in the minority, and why
they do this, if they do so at all, are questions still to be answered.
Two aspects are worth being mentioned in comparative perspective. Professional judges at German Schöffengerichte do not have the power to just nullify a
decision which has been enforced by the lay assessors, not even if this decision
is an obviously false conviction. On the other hand, the giving of reasons for the
judgement – orally as well as written – by these professional judges can serve as
a tool to undermine any judgement which is based on a lay assessors´ majority -
not only a conviction, but also an acquittal or a lenient sentence.
[*]
Judge at the Frankfurt am Main local court and a psychologist
[1]
For particulars of the composition and jurisdiction of German mixed courts and the voting
regulations see WALTER PERRON, Country study : Germany, in this volume.
[2]
EKKEHARD KLAUSA, EHRENAMTLICHE RICHTER – IHRE AUSWAHL UND FUNKTION, EMPIRISCH
UNTERSUCHT. Frankfurt 1972, at 52 ff.; FRANZ-RUDOLF KRONENBERGER,
Laien in der Strafrechtspflege ?
In H. JUNG (ed.) ALTERNATIVEN ZUR STRAFJUSTIZ UND DIE GARANTIE INDIVIDUELLER RECHTE DER BE-TROFFENEN, PARTICIPATORY MODELS AND INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS. Bonn 1989, at 185-191; BERNHARD
VILLMOW, HEIKO TER VEEN, ANNETT WALKOWIAK & JUTTA GERKEN,
Die Mitwirkung von Laien an derJugendStrafgerichtsbarkeit – Rechtsprechung zwischen Professionalität und Bürgernähe, in H. OSTEN-DORF (ed.), INTEGRATION VON STRAFRECHTS - UND SOZIALWISSENSCHAFTEN, FESTSCHRIFT FÜR LIESELOT-TE PONGRATZ. München 1986, at 306-361.
[3]
GERHARD CASPER & HANS ZEISEL,
Bundesrepublik Deutschland, in G. CASPER & H. ZEISEL
(eds.), DER LAIENRICHTER IM STRAFPROZEß. VIER EMPIRISCHE STUDIEN ZUR RECHTSVERGLEICHUNG.
KARLSRUHE 1979, at 21-86.
[4]
CASPER & ZEISEL
supra note 3, at 41.
[5]
CASPER & ZEISEL
supra note 3, at 42.
[6]
CHRISTOPH RENNIG, DIE ENTSCHEIDUNGSFINDUNG DURCH SCHÖFFEN UND BERUFSRICHTER IN
RECHTLICHER UND PSYCHOLOGISCHER SICHT. Marburg 1993.
[7]
The objections mentioned above against a separation between the decisions about guilt
and about punishment are not valid for the study of CASPER & ZEISEL, because §§ 153 and 153 A of
the Code of Criminal Procedure only came into force in 1975, while CASPER & ZEISEL collected their
data already in 1969.
[8]
RENNIG,
supra note 6, at 554 f.; CHRISTOPH RENNIG,
Zur Analyse von Urteilsberatungen im
Schöffengericht, in R. EGG (ed.), BRENNPUNKTE DER RECHTSPSYCHOLOGIE – COLIZEI, JUSTIZ, DROGEN.
BONN 1991, at 311-328.
[9]
Supra note 6, at 542.
[10]
RENNIG,
supra note 6, at 539.
[11]
CASPER & ZEISEL,
supra note 3, at 43.
[12]
CASPER & ZEISEL,
supra note 3, at 44.
[13]
RENNIG,
supra note 6, at 555-557; RENNIG,
supra note 8, at 320-323.
[14]
J.H. DAVIS, R.W. HOLT, C.E. SPITZER & G. STASSER,
The Effects of Consensus Requirements and Multiple Decisions on Mock Juror Verdict Preferences, in 17 JOURNAL OF EXPERIMENTAL
SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY, 1,9 (1975).
[15]
RENNIG,
supra note 6, at 562. The confidence interval (5%-level) ranges from 98% to 67%.
[16]
CASPER & ZEISEL,
supra note 3, at 80.
[17]
CASPER & ZEISEL,
supra note 3, at 82.
[18]
RENNIG,
supra note 6, at 558.
[19]
CASPER & ZEISEL,
supra note 3, at 82; RENNIG,
supra note 6, at 559 f.
[20]
THOMAS HILLENKAMP,
Zur Teilhabe des Laienrichters, in H.-J. ALBRECHT et al. (eds.), IN -
TERNATIONALE PERSPEKTIVEN IN KRIMINOLOGIE UND STRAFRECHT, FESTSCHRIFT FÜR GÜNTHER KAISER
ZUM 70. GEBURTSTAG, BERLIN 1988, at 1437,1457, note 99.
[21]
§ 275 (2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure.
[22]
BGHSt 26,92 (93), and 31,212 (213).
[23]
Raimund Hassemer,
Einige empirische Ergebnisse zum Unterschied zwischen der Herstellung und der Darstellung richterlicher Sanktionsentscheidungen in 66 Monatsschrift für KRIMI -
NOLOGIE UND STRAFRECHTSREFORM, at 26-39 (1983).
[24]
Hassemer,
supra note 23, at 34 and 36.
[25]
See note 22 (supra).
[26]
§ 275 (2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure.
[27]
See supra II. 1 a).
[28]
§§ 314 (1) and 341 (1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure.
[29]
§ 275 (1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure.
[30]
KLAUSA,
supra note 2, at 78.