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1

Joseph Bonaparte, ex-king of Naples and Spain, arrived in England from the United States at the end 1832. Joseph had been living in the US since 1815 where he took up residence as the Comte de Survilliers on a thousand-acre estate near Bordentown in New Jersey called “Point Breeze”. The reasons for Joseph’s change of continent were largely political (though the familial was not entirely absent). Basing myself on Joseph’s correspondence held at the Museo Napoleonico, Rome, and the diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, held at Yale University Library, New Haven [1][1] The diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, is..., I propose to devote more attention than is usually the case to Joseph Bonaparte and his political campaign pursued during the years immediately following the accession of Louis-Philippe. Discussions of the actions of ‘Napoleonists’ [2][2] Instead of the term ‘Bonapartist’, I have preferred... after the Trois glorieuses have tended to leave Joseph (then in his sixties) to one side, preferring to concentrate on what was to be (with historical hindsight) the successful career of Louis-Napoleon (then in his early twenties). This is to underestimate Joseph’s position as head of the family and his real (and costly) attempts to put the Duke of Reichstadt on the French throne instead of Louis-Philippe; a campaign that was to be bogged down by misfortunes and indecision. Frédéric Bluche was not only overly harsh to describe Joseph’s stay in the US as apathetic [3][3] Frédéric Bluche, Bonapartisme : aux origines de la..., his disregard for Joseph’s campaign distorts the picture of ‘Napoleonist’ opposition and the real attempts at a Joseph-led Republican / ‘Napoleonist’ coalition in the first years of the 1830s.

Despite Joseph’s protestations that his American sojourn was a rustic retreat, he had never in fact abandoned the ‘Napoleonist’ cause in France. Though there is little primary, there would seem to be a great deal of circumstantial evidence that in the period immediately after his arrival in the US, Joseph participated, though at a distance, in the ambiguous ‘Napoleonist’ “Society for the Cultivation of the Vine and the Olive” [4][4] See Blaufarb, Bonapartists in the Borderlands: French.... It is also possible that he spent time and money in various attempts to put either himself or Napoleon on thrones in Mexico or Argentina [5][5] See Emilio Ocampo, The Emperor’s Last campaign, Tuscaloosa,.... And throughout his American period, Joseph kept open house to French exiles, and he carried on correspondence with those of his party left in France, such as Roederer and Stanislas de Girardin. The elder Bonaparte furthermore kept his options open politically speaking by making a special request not to have to change nationality in order to own American property, in order to preserve his French credentials, in the case of a political change back home [6][6] See [Louis Belmontet], Biographical sketch of Joseph.... In July 1825, one of the Frenchmen best known to Americans, the Marquis de Lafayette, paid Joseph a visit. This call, performed at the end of the Lafayette’s triumphal American progress, was made for political reasons. According to Joseph himself, Lafayette offered to work for the ‘Napoleonist’ cause in Paris (though presumably the latter was imagining more of a coalition with Republicans), saying that all he needed was 2 million francs to cover costs [7][7] Mémoires et correspondance politique et militaire du.... Joseph was to decline the offer (claiming retirement from politics). But when five years later he saw Louis-Philippe emerge from the Trois Glorieuses as King of the French through the agency of Lafayette, the head of the Bonaparte clan dropped his mask of private gentleman and took direct action.

I - 1830

2

Firstly, in September 1830, Joseph purchased the French-language liberal newspaper, Le courier des États-Unis and used it as an organ to encourage the adoption of Napoleon II as ruler of France [8][8] See Karl J. R. Arndt, “Charles Sealsfield and the Courrier.... Then he began to set his Paris network in motion, writing to Maréchal Jourdan, general Lamarque, the Jean Thomas Arrighi de Casanove, Duc de Padoue, even the sworn family enemy Carlo Andrea Pozzo di Borgo [9][9] See Gabriel Girod de l’Ain, Joseph Bonaparte: le roi.... He naturally wrote to the Austrian Emperor Francis, Marie-Louise and Metternich [10][10] See also manuscript held at the Museo Napoleonico,..., offering to put himself at service of Napoleon’s son, aiming to re-establish the Bonapartes in France and to proclaim Napoleon II as “France’s only hope for peace and liberty, and Europe’s security” [11][11] Girod de l’Ain, op. cit., p. 395.. Joseph proposed that his own role would be that of “tuteur” of the young emperor [12][12] As for his disinterestedness, Joseph appears to “protest..., imagining (incorrectly, as it turned out) their goodwill towards his scheme [13][13] Memoires du Roi Joseph, tome X, p. 323.. Joseph even wrote to the “députés de France” in a letter dated New York, 18 September, 1830, in which he offered to rule as regent until Austria released “Napoléon II”, basing this Bonaparte’s legitimacy on the millions of votes had during the First Empire and the Hundred Days and the fact that Napoleon II had been proclaimed by the chambre de députés in 1815 [14][14] The letter was published in English and in French [Belmontet],.... His letter however was not to be read to that house, there was to be no reply [15][15] Jérôme was to write to his brother Joseph on 6 January..., no publication in the French newspapers [16][16] See Bertin, op. cit., p. 354, letter by Joseph to Charles..., and it was even said that Louis-Philippe on receiving the letter had told the bearer (Charles Lallemand) to burn it [17][17] See Charles J. Ingersoll, History of the second war....

II - 1831

3

The following year, from April to December, Joseph was to receive letters encouraging him to come to England because there were many in France who would support his bid in France – the list of writer included Count Cornaro (an ex-ADC of Eugène de Beauharnais), Victor Hugo, Dr Stokoe (Napoleon’s doctor on St Helena), Mme de St Jean d’Angely, Achille Murat and Monsieur Peugnot [18][18] See Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 392-3 and 396-7. “Victor.... One particular letter from Meneval in September noted that in Paris “‘Napoleonists’ were exceedingly popular”, and that given “a new commotion, all the parties would gather around your [Joseph’s] name.” But “fear of worse losses and the malaise caused by the recent revolution […] are the sentiments which dominate the middle classes. […] The name of the rival [the Duke of Reichstadt] of their pretender [Louis-Philippe] is more than ever magical, but a profound obscurity envelops this young prince which greatly harms his cause” [19][19] See Fleischmann, op. cit., p. 182..

4

Joseph at this time appears to have launched two campaigns of his own. One was pursued by Joseph’s confidant Joel R. Poinsett (ex-US minister to Mexico and ex-Us Minister for War) [20][20] See Fleischmann, op. cit., p. 180. Joseph wrote to.... The American’s visit to France however caused more trouble than good [21][21] See Fleischmann, op. cit., p. 182.. Another was performed by a radical ‘Napoleonist’, Hippolyte Colins de Ham, who had become an habitué of Joseph in Philadelphia from June 1818 and who had suggested to Joseph the rescue of Napoleon from St Helena via balloon [22][22] See Ocampo, op. cit., p. 231 and note.. Colins de Ham had returned to Paris (from Cuba) in 1830 on the accession of Louis-Philippe and, protected by Exelmanns (he had once been the latter’s ADC), had begun to act energetically in ‘Napoleonist’ circles [23][23] Though arrested by the Austrian police and interrogated.... Though there is no direct evidence that Colins de Ham’s secret visit to the Duke of Reichstadt in the autumn of 1831 was planned by Joseph, the former nevertheless returned from that journey in the late spring of the following year directly to Joseph in the US, bringing back a message from the Duke to Joseph [24][24] Possibly the communication referred to in letter held....

5

Joseph was then to receive further encouragement that the time for action was nigh. In December 1831, Hortense de Beauharnais sent two emissaries to Joseph, the painter, fervent ‘Napoleonist’ and the duke of Reichstadt’s ex-drawing master, Innocent-Louis Goubaud and Joseph Orsi (son of a banker from Livorno and friend of Louis-Napoléon); both urged Joseph to make his move in France to overturn Louis-Philippe [25][25] See Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 392, 393. On p. 386, Ingersoll.... There were Republicans in the Assemblée, it was claimed, who were ready to join the ‘Napoleonists’, namely “Mauguin, Salverte, Lamarque, D’Argenson and other[s]”. They claimed that Joseph did not need to provide money or do anything conspiratorial. All he had to do was to be present to help them when the time came [26][26] Quoted in Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 397. François Mauguin.... On Christmas Eve 1831, Joseph went up to Philadelphia to try to sell his Black River lands to Stephen Girard in order to raise funds for the voyage [27][27] Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 398. Joseph was said to have.... 1831 had however produced several complicating factors. Most notably Joseph was not the only actor with a “Napoleonist” agenda. The agitator Achille Murat was playing a double game, claiming on the one hand to be acting as Joseph’s agent [28][28] See Valérie Masuyer, Mémoires : lettres et papiers... but who had in fact set himself up as the sole head of “Napoleonist”/Republican coalition organised by his agent and friend Paul de Malherbe in March 1831 [29][29] See Georges Weill in Revue historique, vol. 92, sept-déc..... There was also Joseph’s own son-in-law, Napoléon Louis, (and the latter’s brother, Louis-Napoléon), both pursuing a separate scheme in Italy to put the duke of Reichstadt on the throne of the city of Rome, in the course of which Napoléon-Louis was to die of measles in a Carbonari uprising in Forlì at the beginning of the year (March 1831). This was the son-in law for whom Joseph had had “the deepest affection and the tenderest hopes” [30][30] Letter Museo Napoleonico, no. 351 (p. 36), Joseph to.... The result of this was to project the latter’s younger brother into the imperial succession, a fact not lost on the young Louis Napoléon. And in the spring and summer of 1831, a failed plot, financed by Hortense and run by the usual suspects (the lawyer Mauguin, count Lennox, Belmontet and Goubaud inter alia), would also seem to imply another plan not under Joseph’s influence. And to cap all this, there was no unity within the imperial family. According to Valérie Masuyer, Hortense (and Caroline) were both in disagreement with Joseph’s actions – they preferred to receive the million France owed them before rocking the boat. And Madame Mère is said to have described Joseph’s letter to the chambre as ‘un coup d’épée dans l’eau, propre à éclabousser tous les membres de la famille » [31][31] Masuyer, op. cit., p. 223..

And yet, whilst politics was very much at the forefront of Joseph’s concerns, he was also eager to reach Europe for personal reasons. As Joseph wrote to Hortense de Beauharnais from Pointe-Breeze of 28 September, 1831, he was also concerned for his wife’s health (she had refused to accompany him into exile) and wanted to be reunited with her and his daughter Charlotte, hoping to bring them either to England or better still, Switzerland [32][32] Letter Museo Napoleonico, no. 351 (p. 36), Joseph to.... Indeed, his wife’s poor health was to be the official reason for his voyage from the US to Britain. The voyage would of course have brought him closer to his mother and his other siblings, most of whom in Italy.

III - 1832

6

At the opening of 1832, Joseph wrote again to the duke in Vienna, dated Pointe-Breeze 15 February, 1832. In the letter Joseph proposed that he would come to Vienna to dedicate himself entirely to the ex-Roi de Rome as he came of age; Goubaud was once again to be courier [33][33] See also Memoires du Roi Joseph, tome X, p. 349-53. Though it would appear that he received no reply, Joseph had nevertheless made up his mind to return to Europe, a decision which was to be confirmed by the arrival of Colins de Ham just before the departure for Britain in July 1832. And since Joseph had finally made up mind to head for London, he then set about organising a family meeting there. The two years since Louis-Philippe’s accession had been characterised by disorganisation and ‘too many chefs’ within the ‘Napoleonist’ party. Joseph clearly intended to centralise party action on himself as head of the family, in close relation with the duke in Vienna. The family had to be united around a single plan. And so he communicated to Louis-Napoléon that he wanted to see him in London - Louis did not go spontaneously, as has been previously thought [34][34] See Hortense’s letter to Francesco Arese’s mother,.... Joseph presumably also got invitations to his younger brothers Louis, Lucien and Jerome at the same time. And the need for such a reunion was made more pressing when Joseph learned in June that the young duke was seriously ill with a chest problem [35][35] Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 399, implies that Joseph knew.... Joseph left the US on 10 July, 1832, aboard the Alexander, reaching Liverpool on 16 August and arriving in London at the beginning of September, planning originally to go to Germany to meet the duke de Reichstadt [36][36] Museo Napoleonico, letter 14 (4630), Joseph to Louis,.... That Joseph thought he was leaving the US for good is revealed by his visit to the Washington to take his leave of the government there. He was received by the president and other members of the government, who considered that the count’s behaviour during his seventeen-year stay had brought him the esteem and affection of all Americans [37][37] Reported in the National Gazette of Philadelphia, 3 July,.... The disembarkation in Liverpool however brought with it the catastrophic news that the duke de Reichstadt had died in Vienna on 22 July.

IV - London and the family reunion

7

Amongst the leaves of Louis Mailliard’s diary, there stands the draft (with crossings out) of a biography of Joseph for 1832 [38][38] The diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, is.... It gives Joseph’s reaction to this critical news: “[Since Joseph had] left the United States with the principal aim of [talking to the King of Rome, deleted, ed.] of getting close to the King of Rome as the representative of the ‘Napoleonist’ cause, this event [i.e., the death of the King of Rome, ed.] destroyed all his hopes [upset all his plans/ideas, deleted, ed.] and changed entirely the aspect of the future” [39][39] « [Joseph avait] quitté les États Unis dans le but.... So what was to have been a plan of attack suddenly became damage limitation.

The Baltimore-based newspaper, Niles Weekly Register, dated 20 October, 1832, neatly sums up the situation facing the count de Survilliers [40][40] Niles’ [Weekly] register, Vol. 43, ed. Hezekiah Niles,.... Firstly it reported (from the London Court Journal) that Joseph had taken the house of General Sir George Ashe at 23 Park Crescent, the beautiful Nashe buildings looking towards Regent’s Park in London [41][41] See also Mailliard’s diary: « Joseph s’établit à Londres.... And secondly it reprinted an extract of an anonymous letter of the day before, from Rome which recounted that: “The death of the duke of Reichstadt will cause a meeting of the whole family of Napoleon around their mother at Rome. Lucien and Jerome Bonaparte are already here, as well as the countess Camerata, daughter of the princess Eliza Bacciochi. Louis, the ex-king of Holland, and Mme Murat are hourly expected. Their object is to induce her to make a new will to dispose of her immense property, which she had bequeathed to her deceased grandson…” The newspaper article was in fact quite clairvoyant. There was to be family reunion. And we know from Joseph’s correspondence held at the Museo Napoleonico that on arrival Joseph began almost immediately making plans to go to Italy or Switzerland. On 10 September he wrote that he had received news that his wife was very seriously ill and that he was applying for permission to travel to see her [42][42] See Museo Napoleonico letter, 14 (4630), cited above,.... However since the official reason for the visit to England was his wife’s health, we may legitimately doubt that this was the principal motive. A meeting in Rome would have had the added advantage of the presence of all four brothers, Caroline, and their mother. On 6 October he wrote to Hortense sending also a verbal communication (via the trusted Marquis Visconti) [43][43] Possibly Marchese Giacomo Visconti Ajmi, the subject... regarding Joseph’s “manière de voir [leurs] affaires”. He had also received letters from Hortense and Louis. Here he re-iterated his intention to go to Switzerland [44][44] See Museo Napoleonico letter, 15 (4631), Joseph to.... In the end, however, he was to remain in London for the next five years and the various members of the family and certain French politicians were to come to him.

V - Louis-Napoleon, Charlotte and Achille Murat

8

We know from Joseph’s correspondence with Hortense that the latter’s son, Louis-Napoléon, arrived first in London (sometime before 26 November) [45][45] Museo Napoleonico, letter 16 (4632), Joseph to Hortense,.... Then came Joseph’s beloved daughter, Charlotte, whom he had not seen for nearly ten years, accompanied by a Clary cousin, Julie, and the latter’s new husband. Mailliard noted that Joseph did not receive visitors on arriving in London because he was in mourning for the death of the Duke de Reichstadt. This must have only affected the first month of his arrival [46][46] The diary of Louis Mailliard (see note 12) : « Étant..., for he was soon to be moving in society, as he noted to his brother Louis in a letter written shortly after arriving in London, namely that he had been well received by all classes of society, that Britain was a “grande nation” and his only quibble was with its government, which British society had disavowed in the past and still did today [47][47] See Museo Napoleonico, letter 14 (4630), Joseph to.... Louis Napoleon was to take Charlotte around London showing her the shops and the sites [48][48] See Ivor Guest, Napoleon III in England, London, British.... She was however in poor health and her doctor in Florence had put her in the capable hands of the London doctor Augustus Bozzi Granville [49][49] See also Autobiography of A. B. Granville, M.D., F.R.S.:.... As for her further activities, not much is known. During her stay she went to the theatre (30 April). She is said to have visited the studio of the painter, John Martin, to view his work “The fall of Nineveh”. Joseph then apparently invited Martin to dine with him at Park Crescent and supposedly gave him some beautiful altar candlesticks designed by Cellini and given to Joseph by Napoleon [50][50] See Mary L. Pendered, John Martin: his life and times,.... In June (18, 19) Joseph and Charlotte discussed her staying with her father if he returned to America. She expressed her intention not to cross the Atlantic. On 9 September, father and daughter decided that the former would return to the USA and that the latter would go to Florence accompanied by her Clary cousins. Charlotte was to leave London for Florence on 12 October, 1833.

Also present in London was Achille Murat (though Mailliard thought his presence merely dictated by shortage of money). Achille and Louis-Napoléon’s presence was entirely politically motivated [51][51] Achille Murat had written to Joseph on 28 April, 1831.... On first appearances, Louis appeared to Joseph as “doux, docile, appliqué, plein d’honneur et de délicatesse” [52][52] Joseph’s letter to Hortense, dated London, 26 9 bre,..., but only three months later Joseph considered Louis and his cousin, Achille, hotheads. After the publication of the (auto)biography of Joseph in London [53][53] [Belmontet], op. cit., Mailliard noted that there was a division between Joseph’s party and the Prince Louis-Napoléon. « Nous ne voyons pas de même », continued Mailliard, « pour notre cause en France. Cela est malheureuse pour la cause » [54][54] Mailliard, ms cit. Janvier and Février 1833. Louis-Napoléon,.... On 2 February, 1833, Mailliard was to note: « Contrariétés avec les neveux Achille et Louis[-Napoléon]. Ces jeunes ont de singulières idées, ils se font de tous les pays selon les circonstances. [Joseph] se retient avec eux. La princesse souffre de tout cela et elle n’ose parler ni à son père ni à ses cousins » [55][55] On Louis Napoleon and his pursuing his own agenda,.... Indeed Louis was not to stay long, leaving on 8 February for Liverpool with his good Italian friend and political fellow-traveller, Francesco Conte Arese [56][56] Francesco, conte Arese, lifelong friend of Napoleon....

VI - Jerome

9

Then supposedly came King Jerome. The visit is recorded in Jerome’s memoirs and the tone of the passage is one of frank opposition to all that Joseph stood for. Jerome noted that Joseph had a meeting in London with a Republican clique (Joseph Guinard, Jules Bastide and Godefroy Cavaignac) [57][57] All three closely allied prominent republicans. Joseph..., at which he (Jerome) was not present (because he hated all that smacked of conspiracies, he says) [58][58] Mémoires, vol. 7, p. 468. but that Joseph reported to him afterwards what was said. The writers of Jerome’s memoires regret that they cannot divulge Jerome’s notes on this « entente sérieuse … entre le chef de la famille Bonaparte et les représentants de la jeune école républicaine, telle qu’elle venait de se former après 1830 » [59][59] Ibid.. In his memoirs Jerome is given the better role and Joseph is seen to backtrack towards Jerome’s opinions. However, some serious doubts are raised for Jerome’s account. It is remarkable that Mailliard does not record the presence of Jerome in London. And whilst Mailliard does mention the meeting with the Republicans only one, Jules Bastide, tallies with the list given by Jerome [60][60] Mailliard’s diary (see note 12) : « 23 Février. Le.... And Jerome’s theory of an ‘entente sérieuse’ is quashed by Mailliard’s note: « nous ne nous entendons pas avec eux ». One could even doubt that Jerome ever came to London; his presence is not mentioned in Mailliard’s diary, unlike that of Lucien, who arrived on 21 April, 1833.

VII - Lucien

10

It is clear from the references to the conversations between Joseph and Lucien mentioned in Mailliard’s journal that Joseph thought little of Lucien. On 24 April, Mailliard notes: “everything Lucien says about France is not very brilliant”. Again, on 4 June, Mailliard compares Joseph and Lucien (to Lucien’s disadvantage): “Lucien is all imagination but without perseverance, changing all the time”. At the beginning of August, Lucien annoyed Joseph because he wanted to return to France whatever the cost, a position not shared by his elder brother. At the end of the same month, Joseph was quite vexed with Lucien. As Mailliard notes: “he’s a man who speaks well but who is of no use”.

VIII - The entourage

11

Surrounding Joseph were his household, the Saris and the Mailliards. But one figure who was to play a major role amongst the London “Napoleonists” was Barry Edward O’Meara. Napoleon’s doctor from St Helena. O’Meara had the advantage of being tri-lingual (French, Italian and English) and thoroughly devoted to the cause. As Mailliard noted: “O’Meara […] came to Joseph to offer him his services and placed himself entirely at the latter’s disposal. He developed a great attachment for Joseph and immediately became very useful for him.» He introduced Joseph to the Irish politician Daniel O’Connell. He also took Joseph to visit English country houses, when the latter decided to flee the cholera in London and to seek a country seat in Marden Park; the deal was negotiated for Joseph by O’Meara [61][61] For a virtual tour of Marden Park (now Woldingham school),.... He also accompanied Joseph on his tour of England when they visited Brighton, Cambridge, New Market, etc.

IX - Conclusion

12

We are forced to agree with Maillard’s assessment of the situation facing Joseph on his arrival in Liverpool in August 1832. Politically, everything had changed. Not all the members of the family were able to come to meet him. And those that did, the younger members, were beginning to go their own way. The republicans were no longer favourable, and the party was in disarray. But the expense had been engaged. Joseph was in London and forced to make the best of a bad job. He was however an old man, beset with an appalling inability to decide what to do. And as he hesitated, the initiative slipped away from him, into the hands the young and ambitious Louis Napoleon.


Annexe

Annexe

13

Extracts from Louis Mailliard’s, Souvenirs et Notes, 1833-1834[62][62] The diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, is...

14

1832

15

Joseph à son arrivée à Liverpool apprend la mort de son neveu le Duc de Reichstadt, fils de Napoléon ; ayant quitté les États-Unis dans le but principal de [conférer avec lui - barré] se rapprocher de lui comme le représentant de la cause Bonapartiste, cet événement anéantit toutes ses espérances [bouleverse tous ses plans/idées - barré] et change entièrement l’aspect de l’avenir.

16

Il trouve à Londres son frère Lucien avec sa fille Lady Stuart, mariée à Lord Dudley Stuart, et son neveu, le Prince Louis Bonaparte. Le Docteur Barry O’Meara, médecin de Napoléon à St Hélène, vint offrir ses services et se mit entièrement à sa disposition [et lui fut très utile - barré] il conçoit pour Joseph un grand attachement [sans bornes - barré] et lui [fut - barré] devient sur le champ très utile.

17

Joseph s’établit à Londres dans une [jolie - barré] élégante maison, au Park Crescent, donnant sur un petit parc et jardin. Etant en [grand - rajouté sur la ligne] deuil pour son neveu, il reçoit [d’abord - barré] très peu de visites selon l’étiquette voulue.

18

La Princesse Charlotte arrive d’Italie et réside avec son père - [et - barré] elle contribue beaucoup à dissiper son chagrin. Les neveux de la Reine Julie, le comte François Clary et son frère vinrent de Paris.

19

Mettez ici quelques lettres de Joseph à Hopkinson.

20

1833

21

Janvier

22

4

23

M. Belmontet and et M. Sarrut du journal la Tribune viennent de Paris et après quelques jours de conférences s’en retournent.

24

16

25

M. Félix Lacoste arrive et rapporte ce qui se passe en France, très peu encourageant pour la famille Napoléon.

26

Joseph fait des projets pour aller en Suisse si on le permet.

27

16

28

M. Landy nous arrive d’Amérique.

29

M.M. Lacoste et Rouen arrivent de Paris avec des nouvelles diverses sur l’état politique de la France ; leur rapport me parait être assez juste.

30

19

31

Le frère de Menotti nous apporte une lettre de Lafayette.

32

Le col. départ pour Paris (Suane)

33

La biographie publiée à Londres en anglais avec les lettres et pièces justificatives - il y a division entre le Prince Louis et nous. Nous ne voyons pas de même pour notre cause en France. Cela est malheureux pour la cause.

34

Février 1er

35

Nos conversations de tous les jours sur notre position politique et financière ! Nos projets pour la Suisse ! On pense même à la Suède : mais on y renonce aussitôt parce que l’on fait du caractère du roi etc. visa par le ministre américain Mr. Christophe Hughes qui est ici.

36

2 Contrariétés avec les neveux Achille et Louis. Ces jeunes ont de singulières idées, ils se font de tous les pays selon les circonstances. M. se retient avec eux. La Princesse souffre de tout cela et elle n’ose parler ni à son père ni à ses cousins.

37

3 Nous avons la visite du fameux O’Connell qui nous avise d’aller en Irlande. Il croit que la séparation de ce pays avec l’Angleterre est indispensable et avant longtemps, il prévoit de grands changements.

38

8 Le Prince Louis et le Comte Arèse partent pour Liverpool, ouverture du Parlement ; discussions vives sur l’Irlande et le Hollande.

39

19 Nous parlons plus que jamais à retourner en Amérique ; si les affaires ne tournent pas pour nous, ce qui sera décidé probablement en avril prochain.

40

22 M. du Messy et M. Goubaud nous arrivent.

41

23 Le gal Hulot nous arrive pour contrebalancer les Républicains qui sont aussi arrivés ici, il ne nous apprend rien de bien intéressant pour notre cause. Ces messieurs sont Bastide, Rouen, Cavaillon et Thomas, nous ne nous entendons pas avec eux.

42

4 Mars

43

M. Antommarchi, le médecin de l’Empereur, arrive.

44

10

45

Le gal Hulot et Antommarchi partent pour Paris.

46

20 Mars

47

Notre temps se passe en discussion sur notre avenir. Un jour nous croyons aller en Suisse, le lendemain nous trouvons mille objections, il n’y a pour nous que l’Amérique.

48

Avril

49

1 Le gal Romarino arrive, nous le voyons chez O’Meara.

50

10 Le Morning Chronique donne une lettre de O. p. q. bien favorable au patron et à la famille impériale !

51

12

52

Les papiers publics anglais et français s’occupent assez de nous en ce moment.

53

16 Le fils Thibaudeau nous éclaire franchement sur le passé et sur le présent.

54

20

55

Discussion politique et d’intérêt avec la Princesse - son caractère dissimulé et partial pour les autres. Nous arrêtons un logement pour le Prince de Canino.

56

M. Orsi et les 17 tableaux qu’il veut nous vendre.

57

[…]

58

21

59

Le Prince Lucien arrive chez nous - entretiens avec la princesse, elle déclare vouloir retourner en Italie!

60

24

61

Tout ce que dit le Prince Lucien sur la France ainsi que M. Presles, tout cela n’est pas brillant.

62

M.M. Carlier et Divat nous espionnent. Lacoste nous écrit que nos amis à Paris sont fous et nuisent plutôt, ne voulant pas voir clair, on ne veut plus aucune hérédité en France !!

63

28

64

Toute la haute nobilité nous fait visite, les Ducs de Gordon, Hamilton et le fameux Wellington, ce qui nous étonne ; les ministres ont eu le dessous dans la chambres des communes sur la taxe de malt. C’est le premier échec, qui en amènera d’autres.

65

30

66

Nous rendons une carte de visite à Wellington. M. et son frère Lucien vont aux chambres avec Lord D. Stuart. Les ministres ont la majorité ce soir.

67

Achille Murat me parait toujours aussi mauvais. Pour la famille, il câline parce qu’il a besoin d’argent. La Princesse va au théâtre malgré elle. Je le dis à son père, elle fait une drôle de mine et n’a pas de confiance en son père. Sari et sa femme boudent tout le monde, cette famille est dans une fausse position. Elle est aussi trop coûteuse.

68

May [sic]

69

13

70

Nous décidons d’envoyer mon beau père à Rome chercher des objets que Sari n’a pu obtenir. M. Presles part pour Paris après avoir reçu toutes ses instructions.

71

14

72

Le Prince Louis part pour la Suisse avec le comte Arèse. Le duc de Padoue et sa fille sont arrivés, celui-ci croit toujours à sa manière sur la France. Il y a eu une rixe entre la police et une assemblée. Le ministère se fait bien détester tous les jours.

73

15

74

M. Pierre Lucien arrive d’Amérique.

75

M. va chez Mr. Tudor, il est content de sa soirée.

76

16

77

Nous cassons la tête sur notre avenir et où aller !

78

20

79

Mon beau père a dû partir aujourd’hui pour Rome.

80

22

81

Pierre fait des révélations à son père contre lui-même et à l’égard d’une certaine dame, ce dont je me doutais.

82

24

83

Je vais à l’opéra italien, voir Anne Bolena par Madame Pasta, Rubini Tamburini, et danser la fameuse Taglioni.

84

25

85

Nous reprenons les tableaux de Mr. Lennox.

86

27

87

Achille Murat part enfin demain pour l’Amérique.

88

30

89

Félix commence à traiter à Paris pour nos affaires.

90

Juin 1er

91

Je vais à l’opéra voir Il pirato etc, Ta[g]lioni.

92

4

93

Combien les caractères des deux frères se ressemblent peu. Lucien est toute imagination mais sans persévérance, changeant à toute heure, avec beaucoup d’esprit. Il lui manque beaucoup.

94

6

95

Je tache de vendre les valeurs mortes que nous avons en mains, elles sont aujourd’hui à moitié prix de ce qu’elles étaient il y a 20 ans. Pierre part.

96

La duchesse de Crès nous arrive, elle est bienvenue.

97

12

98

Nous avons de mauvaises nouvelles de Paris de Lacoste.

99

15

100

Le duc de Padoue repart pour Paris, il me fait part de ses craintes et m’offre ses services à Paris. Il s’explique bien positivement avec le patron sur sa position actuelle et sur les chances à venir, etc.

101

Romarino m’écrit une lettre en colère de ce que je lui ai refusé de présenter Mr. Mesley, refugié italien, etc., il part pour le Portugal et de là à tant d’autres projets ailleurs.

102

18

103

Nous allons voir Marden Park à 18 milles de Londres avec la duchesse de Crès, nos entretiens, son caractère!

104

19? Entretien de Monsieur avec la princesse relativement à notre retour en Amérique afin qu’elle se décide à partir ou à rester car il nous faut une détermination bientôt.

105

24

106

La princesse signifie qu’elle n’ira pas en Amérique. Je vois Mr. Charp pour la vente de mes diamants ainsi que M.M. Manuel de la citée.

107

26

108

M. Manuel nous achète la perle £700.

109

Mme. la Duchesse de Crès fait des démarches infructueuses auprès du Baron Newman pour notre séjour en Italie ou en Suisse; celui-ci se prononce contre nous. Ainsi il ne nous reste que l’Angleterre ou l’Amérique.

110

27

111

La vente publique des diamants à lieu à la citée, mais on offre rien de convenable pour les nôtres, qui nous restent.

112

28

113

Nous recevons la nouvelle du retour de papa […]?? et une bonne lettre de Florence; ce qui détermine la grande question de rester encore un an en Angleterre, nous allons aux renseignements pour une maison de campagne.

114

29

115

Nous allons voir Southgate Grove à 10 milles; nos tableaux se vendent […] pour rien, Mr. Sari revient tout furieux de cette vente.

116

30

117

Mon beau père arrive avec sa mission.

118

Juillet

119

2

120

Nous retournons à Marden Park qui nous parait devoir convenir au patron.

121

8

122

Le général Polignac vient nous voir et nous raconte toute la mauvaise foi du Maréchal Soult.

123

9 ? Le général Dermoncourt vient nous dire tout ce qu’il sait sur la Duchesse de Berry et sur les affaires de France en ce moment.

124

10

125

M. Lacoste arrive de Paris et nous donne bien peu d’espoir pour l’avenir en France, etc.

126

11

127

Je me fais arracher une dent de sagesse par le fameux Mr. Cartwright de Burlington Place no. 34. C’est la première qu’on m’arrache.

128

13

129

Nous allons à New Market voir des campagnes aux environs. Branches Park, entre autre qui est jolie. Nous voyons en passant Cambridge ou il y a 18 collèges.

130

14

131

Nous avons couchés à New Market, visitant diverses campagnes en revenant par Essex, Harford …. à Londres où nous arrivons à 4 heures.

132

18

133

Nous allons avec Mr. O’Meara revoir Marden Park, nous y trouvons l’intendant Mr. Wilken et nous concluons de prendre cette campagne à la fin.

134

20

135

Nous signons le bail pour un an à Marden Park. Mon beau père part à midi pour Paris avec nos commissions.

136

Il me satisfait de son voyage qui a été heureux pour lui.

137

22

138

Grande contestation avec Mr. Lacoste pour son Journal, ainsi qu’avec Mr. Sari pour le Black River pour lui retourner.

139

23

140

Mr. Lacoste écrit, on lui répond logiquement. Cela va amener une fin avec lui.

141

Mr. n’est plus aussi content de son frère qui lui fait lire une chanson républicaine faite par lui, dans laquelle il se montre dans son jour; nous discutons si nous devons partir pour l’Amérique. La Princesse Charlotte et la duchesse de Crès conseillent de rester ici.

142

24? Nous apprenons que l’on a remis la statue sur la colonne qui ne sera découverte que le 28, quelle peur!

143

J’écris en Amérique que nous resterons un an ici.

144

26

145

Nous allons avec O’Meara chez Mr. Murray libraire pour avoir des renseignements relatifs aux lettres des souverains alliés qui, dit-on, ont été vendues à Londres en 1818 ou 1819. Ces lettres étaient originales. On ne sait que sont devenues les copies dont a parlé l’Empereur à O’Meara, les originales étant restées par son ordre dans les mains du duc de Bassano en 1815.

146

Août

147

[…]

148

16

149

[…]

150

Le Prince Lucien travaille à sa réponse à La Tribune. Il veut rentrer en France à toute fins et travaille à celui-ci, ce qui contrarie le patron, n’étant pas du même avis, etc.

151

19

152

Nous allons à Londres, je passe une drôle de nuit.

153

20

154

Nous retournons à débarrasser la maison de ville.

155

21

156

[…]

157

24

158

Le Prince Lucien nous arrive. Il contrarie bien son frère. C’est un homme qui parle bien mais qui ne sert pas. […]

159

28

160

Monsieur et sa fille vont dîner chez M.le […] Roger où se trouvent Lord Grey et presque tous les autres ministres qui se conduisent bien. M. Talleyrand y vient après dîner. Cet homme a plus d’un reproche à se faire.

161

31

162

Nous allons voir la campagne de Mr. Harding près de Dorking dans le Surrey à 30 milles de Londres.

163

7bre

164

[…]

165

3

166

Le Prince Lucien vient nous faire ses contes sur notre rentrée possible.

167

[…]

168

8

169

Mr. et Mme. J. Clary nous arrivent de Paris.

170

9

171

Nous faisons des projets de retour en Amérique en prenant une fuite prompt et décisive et en envoyant la Princesse à Florence avec ses cousins, c’est ce qu’il y aurait de mieux à faire dans notre position actuelle.

172

[…]

173

12

174

Monsieur et sa fille contraient des arrangements pour leurs intérêts en argent et en diamant, positions difficiles!

175

[…]

176

20

177

L’amiral Truguet nous arrive. […]

178

25

179

Mr. Avignon arrive. On va prendre une décision sur notre avenir. […]

180

26

181

Discussions désagréables du patron avec Mr. Avignon et sa fille sur des placements et intérêts particuliers.

182

27

183

Projet de départ pour la Princesse avec Avignon.

184

28

185

Mr. et Mme. Clary et la famille Truguet partent pour Paris. Monsieur est un peu malade.

186

8bre

187

4

188

Nous allons à Londres pour fréter un navire, nous changeons d’idée en route et retournons.

189

6

190

Nous revenons à nos idées de départ, nous allons à Londres, la famille Lucien en est cause!

191

7

192

Nous changeons encore d’idée et nous restons.

193

9

194

Nous faisons tous les préparatifs pour le départ de la Princesse Charlotte, qui a obtenu de passer par la France pour se rendre en Italie.

195

10

196

Nous nous rendons à Londres tous pour ce départ qui va nous faire un grand vide!

197

11

198

Nous faisons tous les préparatifs de la Princesse. Des adieux bien pénibles. Tout cela est désolable !

199

12

200

Nous embarquons notre monde à midi. Scène bien pénible qu’il faut encore avaler. Nous rentrons à Marden Park qui nous semble bien triste, enfin patience.

201

13

202

Dimanche bien triste. Mr. Thibaut arrive.

203

15

204

Nous allons à Brighton avec Mr. O’Meara.

205

16

206

Nous visitons la ville et le dehors du palais. Je ne trouve rien de bien beau en tout cela. Nous rentrons par Lewes.

207

17

208

Monsieur et O’Meara partent pour Londres et R. W. Clayton à Marlow.

209

[…]

210

19

211

[…] Le Prince de Canino nous arrive seul.

212

[…]

213

21

214

Monsieur arrive de sa … [illisible]. Il est content. Il a été voir Oxford, Birmingham, Warwick, […]

215

24

216

Mr. Presle nous écrit qu’il … pouvoir faire marcher pour les deux objets avec Mr. Agnado le banquier.

25

Les lettres d’Italie nous désabusent bien sur notre voyage dans ce pays-là, la conduite des fils Lucien leur père en est bien affligé, il n’est pas heureux.

27

Nous allons à Londres voir le Prince de Canino, qui prétend vouloir retourner en Italie, etc., etc.

[…]

29

[…] Le Prince de Canino arrive.

Mr Paterni avocat fait peur à Monsieur relativement à ses affaires d’intérêt avec sa femme, rapport à la manière de leur contrat de mariage et du risque que l’on puisse courir dans le cas de la mort de la comtesse de Survilliers etc., Monsieur écrit à ce sujet à sa fille Charlotte à Paris, afin que la comtesse prenne ses précautions.

[…]

31

La Princesse Charlotte quitte Paris aujourd’hui pour Florence par Marseilles en steamboat.

Notes

[*]

Peter Hicks est chargé des relations internationales à la Fondation Napoléon, et Visiting Professor à l’Université de Bath (Royaume-Uni).

[1]

The diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, is an almost day-by-day account of the life of Joseph’s household. The manuscript is held in the Library of Yale University, New Haven, under the title « Papers of Louis Mailliard », Ms 341, Journals of 1833-1835, 1840, 1841, Box 7 folder 80). See here the text in the Annexe.

[2]

Instead of the term ‘Bonapartist’, I have preferred to use the term ‘Napoleonist’, that used by Meneval to describe the party in his letter to Joseph written in September 1831 (quoted below).

[3]

Frédéric Bluche, Bonapartisme : aux origines de la droite autoritaire (1800-1850), Paris, Nouvelles Éditions Latines, 1980, p. 208.

[4]

See Blaufarb, Bonapartists in the Borderlands: French exiles and refugees on the Gulf Coast, 1815-1835, Tuscaloosa, The University of Alabama Press, 2005, p. 33-60. This was a society of largely French exiles, some committed Bonapartists, which received a land grant from the US government to establish a colony which would cultivate and grapes and olives in Alabama. Some of its members however went on to found the Champ d’Asile, a military camp based whose “ultra-quixotic” aim was the invasion of Spanish Texas, see Blaufarb, op. cit., p. 86-116.

[5]

See Emilio Ocampo, The Emperor’s Last campaign, Tuscaloosa, The University of Alabama Press, 2009, passim and Rafe Blaufarb, op. cit., esp. p. 65 citing a British diplomatic document held in British National Archives (PRO FO/115, 30, dated Washington, 25/4/1817) which reported that Regnault Saint-Jean d’Angely (Joseph’s close political adviser) had tried to recruit Gregor MacGregor to rescue Napoleon from St Helena and to place him on the Mexican throne.

[6]

See [Louis Belmontet], Biographical sketch of Joseph Napoleon Bonaparte, Count de Survilliers, London, Ridgeway, 1833, p. 108-109. On p. viii, “A young patriot” remarks that that this biography of 1833 in fact “republish[ed] some biographical extracts relative to [Joseph]” which had appeared in the North American Review dated 1828. Inspection of the volumes in question reveals that this contention is in fact false.

[7]

Mémoires et correspondance politique et militaire du roi Joseph / publiés, annotés et mis en ordre par A. du Casse, Paris, Perrotin, 1854-1855, tome X, p. 380.

[8]

See Karl J. R. Arndt, “Charles Sealsfield and the Courrier des États-Unis”, in PMLA (Modern language Association), Vol. 68, No. 1 (Mar., 1953), p. 170-188, esp. p. 175ff. for the correction of Bertin’s contention (Georges Bertin, Joseph Bonaparte en Amérique, 1815-1832, Paris, Librairie de la Nouvelle Revue, 1893, p. 327) that Joseph founded the Courrier in 1828. E. Wm. Hoskin was in fact the founding editor, and Joseph bought the journal, making Lacoste its editor, at the end of 1830, after hearing of the revolution in Paris (news reached New York on 3 September).

[9]

See Gabriel Girod de l’Ain, Joseph Bonaparte: le roi malgré lui, Paris, Perrin, p. 394-5 ; Hector Fleischmann, Le roi Joseph Bonaparte. Lettres d’exil inédites, Paris, Charpentier & Fasquelle, 1912, p. 168-176.

[10]

See also manuscript held at the Museo Napoleonico, Rome, Joseph to Louis, Point Breeze, 19 September, 1830, letter 340 (p. 39). Marie-Louise received his letter but was most exercised by it and forbade her agent to allow any further such missives to be delivered to her, see Girod de l’Ain, op. cit., p. 396. The letters to Metternich were delivered by one of Fouché’s sons, Athanase, secretary to the Swedish legation, see Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 392 and Octave Aubry, Le roi de Rome, Paris, Calmann-Lévy, s.d. [1936], p. 283.

[11]

Girod de l’Ain, op. cit., p. 395.

[12]

As for his disinterestedness, Joseph appears to “protest too much”. In a letter to Meneval, from New York, dated 10 September, 1830 (published in Fleischmann, op.cit., p. 158-59) he underlines (unconvincingly) his lack of personal ambition: “Je ferai tout [Joseph’s emphasis] pour ce qui je crois être mon devoir…; rien [ditto] pour ma grandeur personelle ».

[13]

Memoires du Roi Joseph, tome X, p. 323.

[14]

The letter was published in English and in French [Belmontet], op. cit., p. 98-104 and 111-116 respectively.

[15]

Jérôme was to write to his brother Joseph on 6 January 1831 (published in Jérôme Mémoires et correspondances du Roi Jérôme et de la Reine Catherine, Paris, Dentu, 1866, tome 7, p. 454-5) noting how the latter’s letter was ‘inopportune’ and how it had ‘worsened the situation’. Jerome was later to criticise his brother on this subject (Mémoires, ed. cit., p. 453), remarking « combien l’éloignement nuisait dans l’esprit du comte de Survilliers, à une saine appréciation de l’état de l’Europe ».

[16]

See Bertin, op. cit., p. 354, letter by Joseph to Charles J. Ingersoll, dated « Point-Breeze, 21 mars 1831 » : « dans votre dernière lettre vous me demandiez des nouvelles de ma lettre aux députés. Elle n’a pas été lue et n’a pu être publiée dans les journaux, tous payés par le gouvernement et par les Bourbons ». See also [Belmontet], op. cit., p. 104: “This letter was not read to the chamber”. Louis-Napoléon would appear therefore to be incorrect in his text “Quelques mots sur Joséph-Napoléon Bonaparte”, published in Œuvres de Napoléon III, Paris, D’Amyot, 1854, vol. II, p. 440, when he says that « elle a été publiée par tous les journaux de l’époque ».

[17]

See Charles J. Ingersoll, History of the second war between the United States of America and Great Britain. Philadelphia, Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1852, Second Series, vol. 1, p. 388.

[18]

See Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 392-3 and 396-7. “Victor Beslay […] wrote to that effect, as did also Colonel Combes, […], whose letters Joseph read to me the 4th of April, 1831.” Victor Besley, son of the liberal député, and Combes had both visited Joseph at Point Breeze and were of his party.

[19]

See Fleischmann, op. cit., p. 182.

[20]

See Fleischmann, op. cit., p. 180. Joseph wrote to Meneval (on 29 June, 1831) that the latter could trust Poinsett blindly and that whatever the American said should be considered as coming form the mouth of Joseph. Joseph and Poinsett were prominent masons.

[21]

See Fleischmann, op. cit., p. 182.

[22]

See Ocampo, op. cit., p. 231 and note.

[23]

Though arrested by the Austrian police and interrogated on Metternich’s orders, Colins made it to Joseph and accompanied him back to Europe, see Ivo Rens, “Notice biographique: Colins de Ham (1783-1859)”, http://www.colinsdeham.ch/sec/folders/TEXTES/030314144828.html, consulted on 13 November, 2009. See also Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 399 (there however his name is incorrectly printed as “Collius”).

[24]

Possibly the communication referred to in letter held at the Museo Napoleonico (14 (4630)) from Joseph to Louis, dated “Londres 10 7bre, 1832”, see below.

[25]

See Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 392, 393. On p. 386, Ingersoll also maintained that the passing of the Great Reform Bill of 1832 “induced [Joseph] to change his residence when he did, from America to England”, since (Ingersoll, p. 398) “in that reform [Joseph] appeared to place much hope of French movement to produce imperial restoration”.

[26]

Quoted in Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 397. François Mauguin was a barrister then ardent liberal député for Beaune, Eusèbe Salverte a liberal with ‘Napoleonist’ sympathies, Jean-Maximilian Lamarque an ex-Napoleonic general and ‘Napoleonist’ liberal after 1830, and Marc-René Marie de Voyer de Paulmy d’Argenson, aristocrat, liberal and leveller.

[27]

Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 398. Joseph was said to have desired to sell the estate “at almost any price” and to have resolved to sail for Europe in the spring of 1832. Girard was however to die before the transaction could be completed.

[28]

See Valérie Masuyer, Mémoires : lettres et papiers de Valérie Masuyer, dame d’honneur de la reine Hortense / avec une intro. et des notes de Jean Bourguignon, Paris, Plon, 1937, p. 220 : « Il […] se donna comme le représentant en Europe du roi Joseph. »

[29]

See Georges Weill in Revue historique, vol. 92, sept-déc. 1906, « Mélanges et Documents », ‘Les lettres d’Achille Murat’, p. 75 : « J’ai résolu d’accepter [l’offre qui m’est faite d’être à la tête d’une coalition napoléoniste/républicaine]. Seulement les personnes qui en ont pris l’initiative doivent […] traiter avec moi [et cesser] toute négociation avec d’autres membres de ma famille. » For the contention that Lafayette was apparently not in favour of this project and also disenchanted with idea of a ‘Napoleonist’/Republican coalition, see Weill, op. cit., p. 78, n. 1 and Bertin, op. cit., p. 412 : « Il trouva alors ce même Lafayette en face de lui, dans le camp de ses adversaires. Le grand nombre des défections amenées par l’habileté de Louis-Philippe, ne fit qu’exaspérer chez les membres de la famille Bonaparte, par ricochet chez leur chef, le désir de tenter une restauration impériale. »

[30]

Letter Museo Napoleonico, no. 351 (p. 36), Joseph to Hortense, Pointe-Breeze, 28 September, 1831.

[31]

Masuyer, op. cit., p. 223.

[32]

Letter Museo Napoleonico, no. 351 (p. 36), Joseph to Hortense, Pointe-Breeze, 28 September, 1831.

[33]

See also Memoires du Roi Joseph, tome X, p. 349-53.

[34]

See Hortense’s letter to Francesco Arese’s mother, dated Mannheim, 18 March, 1832, published in Romualdo Bonfadini, Vita di Francesco Arese con documenti inediti, Turin-Rome, L. Roux, 1894, p. 35 : “son oncle désirait [le] voir à Londres”.

[35]

Ingersoll, op. cit., p. 399, implies that Joseph knew nothing of the newspaper reports of the young duke’s “extreme illness and probable death”. Ingersoll, out of politeness, decided not to breathe a word, given that Joseph was in such excellent spirits.

[36]

Museo Napoleonico, letter 14 (4630), Joseph to Louis, dated “Londres 10 7 bre, 1832” : “J’avais le projet d’aller en Allemagne ou notre neveu avait le désir de me voir, il venait de m’envoyer son portrait.”

[37]

Reported in the National Gazette of Philadelphia, 3 July, 1832.

[38]

The diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, is an almost day-by-day account of the life of Joseph’s household. The manuscript is held in the Library of Yale University, New Haven, under the title “Papers of Louis Mailliard”, Ms 341, Journals of 1833-1835, 1840, 1841, Box 7 folder 80). See here the text in the Annexe.

[39]

« [Joseph avait] quitté les États Unis dans le but principal de [conférer avec lui [le Roi de Rome] - barré] se rapprocher de lui comme le représentant de la cause Bonapartiste, cet événement [la mort du Roi de Rome] anéantit toutes ses espérances [bouleverse tous ses plans/idées - barré] et change entièrement l’aspect de l’avenir. »

[40]

Niles’ [Weekly] register, Vol. 43, ed. Hezekiah Niles, William Ogden Niles, George Beatty, Jeremiah Hughes, 20 October, 1832, Foreign News, p. 119, online at http://books.google.fr/books.

[41]

See also Mailliard’s diary: « Joseph s’établit à Londres dans une [jolie, deleted, ed.] élégante maison, au Park Crescent, donnant sur un petit park et jardin. »

[42]

See Museo Napoleonico letter, 14 (4630), cited above, Joseph wrote: « j’apprends que Julie est très sérieusement malade […] en arrivant en Angleterre j’ai été assailli par la nouvelle de sa mort [celle du duc de Reichstadt, ndr.], je ne pense plus qu’à l’Italie, où ma femme, notre mère, notre oncle et toi-même êtes malades et moins bien portants que moi. » He was however to hesitate for several years to come.

[43]

Possibly Marchese Giacomo Visconti Ajmi, the subject of an Austrian police investigation after having received a letter from Carlo Bellerio (political intriguer and brother of Mazzini’s lover, Giuditta Bellerio Sidoli) in 1831. Though well known for his liberal ideas, Visconti denied his involvement, and left Milan for Switzerland where he became friends with Francesco Arese and Louis Napoleone. See also Napoleon-Louis’s friendly letter to a “Marquis Visconti” in Milan dated Florence, 31 May, 1830, auction catalogue Autographes et manuscrits, Pierre Bergé & associés, 22 December, 2009, Lot 30. It is unclear whether Giacomo was in London in 1832.

[44]

See Museo Napoleonico letter, 15 (4631), Joseph to Hortense, dated London 6 8bre 1832.

[45]

Museo Napoleonico, letter 16 (4632), Joseph to Hortense, dated “Londres 26 9bre, 1832”: Ma chère sœur, Louis est arrivé ici […] peu de jours après lui est arrivée Charlotte et sa cousine nouvellement mariée ». The female cousin recently married was Julie Baptistine Blait de Villeneuve, daughter of Catherine Honorine Clary. Julie had married Joachim Clary (Madame Mère’s godson), also Charlotte’s cousin, see Luc Antonini, Les Clary, une grande famille provençale, expensis auctoris: Septème-les-Vallons, 2004, p. 18 and 16. Also in London was the Duchesse Decrès, another of Charlotte’s Clary cousins.

[46]

The diary of Louis Mailliard (see note 12) : « Étant en [grand - rajouté sur la ligne] deuil pour son neveu, [Joseph] reçoit [d’abord - barré] très peu de visites selon l’étiquette voulue. »

[47]

See Museo Napoleonico, letter 14 (4630), Joseph to Louis, dated “Londres 10 7 bre, 1832” cited above.

[48]

See Ivor Guest, Napoleon III in England, London, British Technical & General Press, 1952, p. 23. See also Don Namor, The English Life of Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte: The Life of Napoleon III in the context of Anglo-French Relations, online at http://donnamorpress.com/articles.html.

[49]

See also Autobiography of A. B. Granville, M.D., F.R.S.: Being Eighty-eight Years of …, London, H. S. King, 1874, p. 811.

[50]

See Mary L. Pendered, John Martin: his life and times, London, Hunt & Blackett, 1923, p. 141.

[51]

Achille Murat had written to Joseph on 28 April, 1831 (Published by Georges Weill in Revue historique, vol. 92, sept.-déc. 1906, « Mélanges et Documents », ‘Les lettres d’Achille Murat’, p. 76).

[52]

Joseph’s letter to Hortense, dated London, 26 9 bre, 1832, quoted above.

[53]

[Belmontet], op. cit.

[54]

Mailliard, ms cit. Janvier and Février 1833. Louis-Napoléon, like his uncle Jérôme and Achille, disapproved of Joseph’s letter to the Chambre.

[55]

On Louis Napoleon and his pursuing his own agenda, see A. A. Zucconi, «Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte et la question de son affiliation aux carbonari», in Pierre Milza (ed.), Actes du Colloque de la Fondation Napoléon 19-20 mai 2008 : Napoléon III, l’homme, le politique, Paris, Éditions Napoléon III, 2008, p. 57-58.

[56]

Francesco, conte Arese, lifelong friend of Napoleon III, b. Milan 1805 d. Florence 1881. They had met in Rome in 1826 (Arese’s mother was an old friend of Hortense). Arese had accompanied Louis Napoléon to London.

[57]

All three closely allied prominent republicans. Joseph Guinard son of an imperial administrator and collaborator at the National. Jules Bastide, journalist for the National, was to have a distinguished political career during the Second Republic. Godefroy Cavaignac, journalist at the National and one of the leaders of the republican party in the early 1830s. He had studied with Achille Murat in Naples.

[58]

Mémoires, vol. 7, p. 468.

[59]

Ibid.

[60]

Mailliard’s diary (see note 12) : « 23 Février. Le g[énér]al Hulot nous arrive pour contrebalancer les Républicains qui sont aussi arrivés ici, il ne nous apprend rien de bien intéressant pour notre cause. Ces messieurs sont Bastide, Rouen, Cavaillon et Thomas, nous ne nous entendons pas avec eux. » Général Étienne Hulot, hero of Ligny, was a military inspector based in Metz in 1832-33, see Georges Six, Dictionnaire biographique des généraux & amiraux français de la Révolution et de l’Empire: 1792-1814, Paris, Saffroy, 1974, q.v.

[61]

For a virtual tour of Marden Park (now Woldingham school), http://www.woldinghamschool.co.uk/vtours.php?myvid=114.mov

[62]

The diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, is an almost day-by-day account of the life of Joseph’s household. The manuscript is held in the Library of Yale University, New Haven, under the title “Papers of Louis Mailliard”, Ms 341, Journals of 1833-1835, 1840, 1841, Box 7 folder 80).

Résumé

English

Joseph Bonaparte, ex-king of Naples and Spain, arrived in England from the United States at the end 1832. Joseph had been living in the US since 1815 where he took up residence as the Comte de Survilliers on an estate in New Jersey called “Point Breeze”. The reasons for Joseph’s change of continent were largely political. This article takes as its starting point Joseph’s correspondence held at the Museo Napoleonico, Rome, and the diary of Louis Mailliard, Joseph’s secretary, held at Yale University Library, New Haven, with the aim shedding more light than is usually the case on Joseph and his political campaign in the years immediately following the accession of Louis-Philippe. Joseph, as head of the family, made real (and costly) attempts to put the Duke of Reichstadt on the French throne instead of Louis-Philippe; a campaign that was to be bogged down by misfortunes and indecision. Frédéric Bluche was not only overly harsh to describe Joseph’s stay in the US as apathetic, his disregard for Joseph’s campaign distorts the picture of ‘Napoleonist’ opposition and the real attempts at a Joseph-led Republican / ‘Napoleonist’ coalition in the first years of the 1830s.

Français

Alors qu’il vivait depuis 1815 outre-Atlantique où il s’était installé sous le nom de comte de Survilliers, dans un domaine appelé “Point Breeze”, dans le New Jersey, Joseph Bonaparte, ancien roi de Naples et d’Espagne, quitta les États-Unis pour l’Angleterre à la fin de 1832. Ce changement de continent résultait largement de raisons politiques. Cet article étudie la correspondance de Joseph, conservée au Museo Napoleonico de Rome, et le journal de Louis Mailliard, son secrétaire, consultable à la Yale University Library, New Haven, et révèle l’importance de l’action politique de Joseph et notamment la campagne qu’il mena pendant la période immédiatement consécutive à l’accession au trône de Louis-Philippe. À la tête de la famille, Joseph a conduit des tentatives bien réelles (et coûteuses) de détrôner Louis-Philippe au profit du duc de Reichstadt. Ce projet a pâti de malchance et d’indécision. Le jugement excessivement sévère de Frédéric Bluche sur le séjour de Joseph aux États-Unis, qu’il a qualifié d’apathique, et son désintérêt pour la campagne entreprise par celui-ci, a faussé l’image de l’opposition « napoléoniste » et des véritables efforts accomplis dans les premières années 1830 pour former une coalition républicano-napoléoniste sous la houlette de Joseph.

Plan de l'article

  1. I - 1830
  2. II - 1831
  3. III - 1832
  4. IV - London and the family reunion
  5. V - Louis-Napoleon, Charlotte and Achille Murat
  6. VI - Jerome
  7. VII - Lucien
  8. VIII - The entourage
  9. IX - Conclusion

Pour citer cet article

Hicks Peter, « Joseph Bonaparte and the “Réunion de famille” of 1832-33 », Napoleonica. La Revue, 2/2010 (N° 8), p. 30-52.

URL : http://www.cairn.info/revue-napoleonica-la-revue-2010-2-page-30.htm
DOI : 10.3917/napo.102.0030


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