Naturalization does not have only political implications. It is also an indicator of the degree of openness and of reciprocal contact between the host society and its immigrants. Thus, highly restrictive practices in granting nationality suggest a desire to hold a minority population apart. Similarly, a weak interest in naturalization among a group of foreigners might suggest a limited desire for participation in collective choices, for example because only a temporary stay is planned. At the same time, changes in nationality modify the proportion of foreigners, as well as the size and structure of the Swiss and foreign populations. Over recent years, naturalization has led to a steady growth of the population with Swiss nationality, despite negative net migration and negative rates of natural increase. Conversely, naturalization limits the growth of the foreign population and its proportion of the total population. Although they affect neither the size nor the structure of the resident population, changes in nationality still carry a specific meaning in a country where, over the past few decades, the colour of the passport has acquired a symbolic significance in debates over immigration, and several popular initiatives seeking to limit the proportion of foreigners have been submitted to the people [2].

Despite its important consequences, naturalization is still rarely investigated. Several studies have recently been carried out, at the initiative of the Federal Commission against Racism. These studies have addressed the statistical and legal aspects of the phenomenon, and the practices at the commune level (Piguet and Wanner, 2000; Boner, 2000; Steiner and Wicker, 2000). They sought to establish whether or not systematic discrimination existed toward certain groups of foreigners, and they showed that discrimination is practised in certain communes, particularly when dealing with people originating from the former Yugoslavia and from Turkey. Rejections of members of these groups are observed either at the moment the application is presented (the commune advises a longer wait before a request is submitted) or at the moment of the commune’s decision (refusal of naturalization by the communal representatives or as the result of a vote), usually on the grounds of an insufficient level of integration. Rejections at the canton and federal level, on the other hand, are rare, since these two levels rule on the background conditions for naturalization without taking a position on the candidate’s degree of integration. The studies nevertheless show that, overall, naturalization rates do not reflect discrimination toward foreign communities. They are primarily influenced by the individual attitudes of the people eligible for naturalization, and these attitudes vary by nationality.

The other objectives of the analyses were to provide quantitative information on naturalization, to interpret the differences in observed practices by country of origin and by place of residence, and to discuss which individual or collective factors might play a role in naturalization. The current study develops certain of these points. After describing the data used and the legislative and socio-demographic context of naturalization, it estimates its impact on the size of national groups in Switzerland and discusses differences in practice by nationality of origin.

Standardized naturalization rates were calculated according to three standardization criteria (Wunsch and Thiltges, 1995) and are expressed as the number of naturalizations per 100 foreigners living permanently in Switzerland (short term residents and asylum seekers being excluded). They are obtained by taking the sum of the naturalization rates by age, length of residence in Switzerland and place of birth (born in Switzerland or abroad), after having weighted these rates by a “standard” population that had the same structure by age, length of residence and place of birth as the average foreign population during the period studied. Standardization is justified by the strong influence of these three factors on the propensity to be naturalized. The rates thus obtained for each nationality of origin eliminate the effects of structure linked to these variables.

Although they are more reliable than the crude rates published regularly by the national and international statistics offices, these standardized rates have several limits. They do not take into account all the factors that may affect the probability of being naturalized. For example, certain economic characteristics probably produce variation in naturalization rates, but there are not sufficient data to incorporate these characteristics. The observed differences between foreign communities may thus be in part due to their socio-occupational structure, which can vary significantly. Similarly, the absence of data on the foreign population before 1981 means that the details of the naturalization behaviour of the groups of foreigners that arrived in Switzerland in the 1950s or 1960s cannot be captured. Among the latter group, only those who were not naturalized by 1 January 1981 are included in the analysis.

Two principal modes of naturalization exist: ordinary naturalization and facilitated naturalization. Ordinary naturalization is carried out after the foreign citizen files an application at the commune, which transmits it to the canton and to the Confederation for approval. The commune then makes its own evaluation of the candidate and makes the final decision on naturalization. Ordinary naturalization requires, first, integration into the Swiss community; adaptation to the laws, customs, and way of life; and respect for the internal and external security of Switzerland (article 14 LN). Secondly, naturalization requires twelve years’ residence in Switzerland, of which three must be during the five years preceding the request (article 15). For the calculation of these twelve years of residence, time spent in Switzerland between the ages of 10 and 20 years counts double. With the exception of the cantons of Uri and Obwalden, all cantons facilitate the procedure for foreigners born in Switzerland (Boner, 2000). These simplifications of the procedure of ordinary naturalization are, however, of very different importance. They mostly concern the level of fees [3] and the length of residence required. Facilitated naturalization is granted on demand, the commune having no authority to decide, when the applicant meets the following conditions: married for at least three years to a Swiss national and having lived a total of five years in Switzerland, including the past twelve months (article 27 LN). For this reason, the frequency of facilitated naturalization in foreign communities is primarily a result of the practice of inter-ethnic marriage and is less relevant than ordinary naturalization to the analysis of collective naturalization practices.

The laws dealing with nationality have been modified several times. The principal revision dates from 1992, when it introduced facilitated naturalization for people fulfilling the conditions cited above, and eliminated the automatic acquisition of nationality for foreign women marrying a Swiss citizen. Since the beginning of the 1990s, the law also authorizes foreign nationals who request Swiss nationality to keep their nationality of origin. On the other hand, reciprocity is not guaranteed, but depends on the legislation of the nation in question.

Seeking naturalization is a response to a symbolic desire to belong to the host community, but it also offers certain practical advantages. First of all, it provides the right to stay in Switzerland until the end of life. Foreign citizens never definitively acquire this right — it can be challenged, for instance, if they return to their country of origin for more than six months. Naturalization is also the key to certain civic rights, including the option of expressing an opinion on the occasion of the many federal, canton, and commune votes. On the other hand, since naturalization generally occurs after more than ten years of residence in Switzerland, it does little to assist family reunification. Naturalization exposes young men to military obligations, leading to naturalization rates that are slightly lower for men than for women between 15 and 20 years old (Wanner, 1998). Finally, people from countries of the European Union that do not authorize dual citizenship no longer benefit from free circulation within the European Economic Area after naturalization.

The lengthening of the duration of stay of foreign nationals leads to better social and economic integration, notably a mastery of the local language in the region of residence. It also increases the frequency of mixed marriages (Wanner, 2001). As a result, the number of people eligible for naturalization has grown: their number is now estimated at more than 600,000, as opposed to 400,000 at the beginning of the 1980s (Figure 1).

More or less restrictive naturalization policies can significantly modify the proportion of foreigners in Switzerland. The foreign-born population represented between 27% and 28% of the permanent resident population in 1998, while the percentage of foreigners is reduced to 19.2% if acquisitions of Swiss nationality are taken into account. In total, close to one third of the people who are foreign-born and reside in Switzerland have obtained Swiss nationality, approximately 500,000 to 600,000 people or 8% of the total population [4].

Table 1
Acquisitions of Swiss nationality by type of procedure from 1981 to 1998

We know almost nothing about the population having acquired Swiss nationality, except that it is characterized by an age structure very different from that of the total population. Most of the members of this population are young adults (25-50 years old), especially the women (Figure 2). The socio-economic characteristics of this population are otherwise unknown, and it is impossible to make any hypothesis on, for example, its participation in the labour market and its integration into it, or on possible discrimination compared to Swiss nationals by birth.

The standardized rate of ordinary naturalization for all foreigners was 0.67 per 100 foreign nationals during the period 1985-1991 and 1.33 per 100 foreign nationals between 1992 and 1998. There are major differences in rates according to the nationality of origin: for the period 1992-1998, the rates vary from 0.23 per 100 for Spanish nationals to more than 10 per 100 for the Vietnamese (Table 2). Over the same period, the rates are also low for the Portuguese (0.39), the Italians and the Germans (0.29). They are high for Hungarians (5.23) and for people originating from an African country (4.11). Rates are at an intermediate level for French citizens (1.15), citizens of the former Yugoslavia (2.28) and Turks (1.40).

Two characteristics should be underlined. The first relates to differences in naturalization practices by sex. In most foreign communities, women become naturalized more frequently than men. Differences by sex are particularly high for people from Southern Europe; the rate of ordinary naturalization is three times higher for women than for men among Portuguese and twice as high among Spaniards.

The second characteristic has to do with the changes observed between the period preceding the revision of the law on nationality (1985-1991) and the one following it (1992-1998). For nationals of countries like Germany, Austria, and Spain, that do not authorize dual citizenship, Swiss passports have become progressively less attractive and naturalization rates have fallen. For other national groups, like Italians, the licence to keep one’s original passport has encouraged naturalization, and rates have practically doubled. For people originating from countries outside Europe, the frequency of naturalization has generally risen.

Rates of ordinary naturalization clearly show that nationals of European countries outside the European Union are the most frequently naturalized. The discrimination noted in Switzerland toward Turks and nationals of the former Yugoslavia is not observed at the national level. We must turn to other factors to explain differences in naturalization rates by nationality of origin. These factors may be either “symbolic” in nature, reflecting the meaning of the Swiss passport for the applicant, or “instrumental,” relating to the usefulness of Swiss nationality in everyday life (in looking for a job, travelling abroad, etc.). For instance, people benefiting from refugee status whose return to their country of origin seemed uncertain — Hungarians, citizens of the former Czechoslovakia and Vietnamese nationals — were naturalized in large numbers in the 1970s and 1980s (Wanner, 1998). Cultural distance between the country of origin and the host country is also involved (Yang 1994), which brings up the degree of integration in the host country (Portes and Curtis, 1987) and the level of training and work status (Evans, 1988; Dornis, 1999) as factors in naturalization. Finally, family status influences both the decision to migrate and the process of integration.

Since these factors can operate either consciously or unconsciously, their respective effects on the observed differences between naturalization rates of foreign communities are difficult to measure. Nevertheless it seems evident on reading Table 2 that cultural affiliation is a key influence on naturalization.

Table 2
Standardized rates of ordinary naturalization by period, sex, and country of origin, 1985-1998

The fact that more than one Swiss citizen in ten is of foreign origin and that this proportion is likely to grow in the future raises questions about the concept of citizenship. An answer to these questions, which are outside the scope of this research, should take into account the fact that overall, Swiss naturalization rates are on the low side compared to those observed in the other European countries.