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Short Paper

Volume 59 2004/6


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2004 Population Short Paper

Missing Girls in South Korea: Trends, Levels and Regional Variations

Doo-Sub Kim  [*] Doo-Sub Kim, Department of Sociology, Hanyang University, Seoul
Plan de l'article
A large number of historical documents, proverbs, folklore and taboos show the existence of a strong preference for sons in Korea (Lee, 1973; Kim, 1969, pp. 218-374). As a result of the social and economic advantages attached to males, son preference is embedded in the traditional social organization of Korea, particularly through the kinship system and related normative culture (Kwon and Lee, 1976; Cho et al., 1982). Gender preference was so marked in traditional Korea that a wife bearing no son could be abandoned by her husband or rejected by his family. Despite rapid socioeconomic changes, son preference persists in Korea as an institutionalized value.
The desire to have sons plays an important role in determining family size. Some studies have pointed out that strong son preference might impede efforts to attain low fertility (Park, 1983; Arnold, 1985; Arnold and Liu, 1986). However, this concern has proved to be groundless. In spite of a strong son preference, Korea has achieved a fertility rate way below the replacement level (1.3 in 2001), as have a number of eastern Asian countries such as China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong (UN, 2002).
In the second half of the 1980s and the early 1990s, however, to accommodate both a strong son preference and low fertility, a new demographic phenomenon emerged in Korea: the rise of the male/female sex ratio at birth (i.e. excess of male births relative to female). This phenomenon of “missing girls” was also observed in China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong (Roy, 1994; Park and Cho, 1994).
The main objective of this study is to understand the origins and the mechanisms underlying the recent increase in the sex ratio at birth in Korea. We will also examine the pattern of changing trends and regional differentials in sex ratios from 1980 to 2003. Causal factors and implications of son-selective reproductive behaviour are discussed. Two demographic simulations were conducted to show how prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion raise the sex ratio at birth, and, at the same time, play a role in lowering the level of fertility.
 
1. Recent trends in sex ratio
 
 
The mid-1980s can be recorded as an important turning point in the history of Korean demography. Korea has completed the full pattern of the demographic transition, and has been approaching a stationary population with negative growth potential in the offing (Kim, 1992, 2004). Despite the cultural setting of strong son preference, rapid industrialization and urbanization have led to a widespread preference for small families (Kwon and Kim, 2002). The total fertility rate (TFR) decreased sharply from about 6.0 in the early 1960s to the replacement level (2.1 children per women) in the mid-1980s and has now dropped way below the replacement level (1.19 in 2003). The crude birth rate was estimated to be as low as 10.2 in 2003. The annual growth rate of the population was estimated at 0.57% in 2003, as low as those of developed countries (KNSO, 2004). From 2020, the population of Korea is projected to decline (under the current age structure) (KNSO, 2004).
With the decline in fertility to below the replacement level in the mid1980s, distortions began to emerge in the sex composition of Korean society. This new demographic phenomenon has become a serious issue. Generally speaking, the sex structure of a population is determined by three main components: sex ratio at birth, sex differentials in mortality and sex-selective migration. As regards migration, it is generally agreed that the Korean population, since the late 1950s, can be regarded as an almost “closed population” [1]. Furthermore, sex differentials in child mortality are not observed in Korea (Kim, 1997b). Thus, the juvenile sex ratio has basically become a function of the sex ratio at birth (Kwon et al., 1975; Kim, 1992, 2004; Park and Cho, 1994).
In most countries, sex ratios at birth vary normally between 102107 males for 100 females (UN, 2002). Alongside the sharp fertility decline, and in a cultural setting of son preference, Korea witnessed a rise in the sex ratio at birth between 1980 and 1994 and has maintained a high level since that period. The sex ratio at birth was estimated as 109.4 in 1985 and reached 115.5 in 1994 (KNSO, 2004). This implies that there has been a substantial excess of sons over daughters at birth since the mid1980s when fertility in Korea reached a low level.
Such a sudden rise in sex ratios at birth is not a phenomenon observed exclusively in Korea. Evidence shows that several eastern Asian countries such as China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong also experienced an increase in the sex ratio at birth around the mid-1980s. The sex ratio at birth in China increased abruptly from 108.5 in 1984 to 111.4 in 1985, and further jumped to 116.9 in 2000 (Yu et al., 2004). Taiwan maintained a sex ratio at birth of around 106-107 for the period 1960-1986. But the sex ratio rose to 108 in 1987, and was recorded at 110 in 1990 (Park and Cho, 1994).
Examination of the sex ratio of children under 5 years of age (ratio of boys to girls) also reveals an upward trend. Between 1985 and 1995, the juvenile sex ratio increased from 107.8 to 113.4 (5.6 points). As Korea shows no sex differences in infant and child mortality, a high juvenile sex ratio reflects a substantial excess of sons over daughters at birth. This phenomenon has been observed since the mid-1980s.
 
II. Regional differentials in sex ratio
 
 
Son preference has strong social and cultural roots and can show geographical variations. Evidence indicates that sex ratios vary from region to region in Korea. As shown in Map 1 and Table 1, there are regional differentials in juvenile sex ratios. In 1995, they reached 122.8 in Taegu, and over 118 in the two provinces of Kyongbuk and Kyongnam. In particular, sex ratios in the areas of Taegu and Kyongbuk stood at record levels. The sex ratio for the children of 4 years of age in Taegu was 125.3 (1995), indicating that the male population of 4-year-olds was 25% larger than the female population. The sex ratio for Kyongbuk province was estimated at 122.6 for 2-year-olds. In contrast, in the cities of Kwangju, Inchon and Seoul, juvenile sex ratios appeared to be slightly lower than the national average. The provinces of Jeonbuk, Jeonnam, Cheju, Kyonggi and Kangwon also showed relatively low sex ratios. These observations indicate that distortions in sex ratio at birth are most serious in the southeastern part of the Korean peninsula, including the city of Taegu and the provinces of Kyongbuk and Kyongnam.
Map 1
Regional differentials in juvenile sex ratio (South Korea, 1995)IMGIMGRegional differentials in juvenile sex ratio (Sout...IMGIMF
Source: Korea National Statistical Office (KNSO, 1997).

Table 1
Sex ratio for the population under five years old by region and age (South Korea, 1995)
IMGIMGAge Region 0 1 2 3 4 Total Whole cou...IMGIMF
Age Region 0 1 2 3 4 Total Whole country 113.8 114.8 114.1 112.7 111.5 113.4 Major cities Seoul 112.1 113.0 112.3 110.7 110.0 111.7Pusan 117.8 118.5 118.9 116.4 115.4 117.4 Taegu 118.4 121.3 125.0 123.9 125.3 122.8 Inchon 113.0 113.0 111.4 107.7 109.0 110.8 Kwangju 107.4 110.0 111.3 109.6 110.0 109.9 Taejon 113.5 117.0 114.7 112.3 111.7 113.8 Provinces Kyonggi 112.2 112.1 111.0 110.3 107.9 110.7 Kangwon 112.4 113.2 111.8 108.6 108.7 110.9 Chungbuk 115.3 115.8 113.2 115.9 110.9 114.2 Chungnam 113.7 114.5 112.0 111.4 109.1 112.1 Jeonbuk 110.5 111.5 109.2 108.2 107.4 109.3 Jeonnam 111.1 111.3 109.6 108.4 108.8 109.8 Kyongbuk 119.6 122.0 122.6 120.8 121.4 121.3 Kyongnam 118.9 120.2 120.1 119.0 114.8 118.6 Cheju 110.5 113.4 110.3 111.1 107.3 110.6 Source: Korea National Statistical Office (KNSO, 1997).

A further examination of the distribution of sex ratio at birth by parity of women suggests that sex ratios for the first child have been relatively low in the past two decades. However, sex ratios at birth grow markedly as birth order progresses. Figure 1 shows that sex ratios at birth for the third and the fourth child began to rise dramatically in the mid-1980s, and peaked at their highest level — above 200 —in the early 1990s. From then on, we observe a downward trend in sex ratio at birth at high parity (Figure 1).
Figure 1
Trends in sex ratio at birth by parity (South Korea, 1980-2003)IMGIMGTrends in sex ratio at birth by parity (South Kore...IMGIMF
Source: Korea National Statistical Office (KNSO, 1996, 2004).
Table 2 presents the distribution of sex ratios at birth by region and parity of women using vital registration data, consisting of 728,515 newborns, in 1994, when sex ratios at birth peaked at the highest level in Korean history. Table 2 shows a clear positive correlation between sex ratio at birth and birth order, with minor exceptions in the city of Pusan, and in Chungnam and Kyongbuk provinces. Sex ratios at birth for parity 1 were found to be relatively low for most regions, although high sex ratios over 110 were found in Chungnam province. A steep rise in sex ratios for the third and fourth child is observed. Sex ratios for parity 4 (and higher) have exceeded 260 in Taegu, Pusan, Kyongnam, and several other regions. In particular, sex ratios for Taegu were recorded at 320.1 for the third and 351.1 for the fourth child.

Table 2
Sex ratio at birth by region and parity (South Korea, 1994)
IMGIMGParity of women Region 1 2 3 4+ Tota...IMGIMF
Parity of women Region 1 2 3 4+ Total Whole country 106.1 114.3 205.6 237.0 115.5 Major cities Seoul 107.1 112.2 215.9 232.1 113.4 Pusan 104.5 120.4 334.6 310.1 119.0 Taegu 104.3 125.9 320.1 351.1 121.4 Inchon 109.5 112.3 191.1 202.6 114.6 Kwangju 103.6 110.6 152.7 217.5 111.9 Taejon 108.1 113.2 220.2 300.0 116.9 Provinces Kyonggi 105.2 110.6 206.4 272.1 112.9 Kangwon 107.1 109.8 177.1 257.6 114.9 Chungbuk 106.2 109.8 187.1 269.4 114.7 Chungnam 110.5 107.3 176.8 212.4 116.2 Jeonbuk 105.9 106.1 131.1 180.0 110.0 Jeonnam 106.3 108.9 134.8 196.0 113.1 Kyongbuk 105.4 128.9 279.0 269.6 124.3 Kyongnam 103.9 122.7 270.2 304.9 120.2Cheju 108.9 112.3 144.5 198.7 115.6 Source: Korea National Statistical Office (KNSO, 1995, pp. 82-87).

This pattern is in striking contrast to the normal trend, where sex ratios at birth decline as parity rises (Chahnazarian, 1988). If we assume equal probability for male births across birth orders, these variations in sex ratios by parity (Table 2) imply that artificial manipulations to control gender must have occurred, i.e., son-selective reproductive behaviour. The abnormal distribution of sex ratios according to birth order appears to be due to a combination of widespread preference for small families, the desire for a son and son-selective reproductive behaviour by birth order.
In an effort to find significant variables related to high sex ratios at birth in the regions of Taegu, Kyongbuk, and Kyongnam, ANOVA and regression analyses were undertaken in this study [2]. It was found, however, that these geographical regions do not have any specific characteristics with regard to fertility, family and household structure, practice of family planning, or medical facilities. The only common factors drawn from the analysis were that these three regions have relatively fewer Protestant and Catholic churches, and that these regions have historically produced the majority of top-ranking male political elites. These factors are likely to have strengthened the conservative stance toward son preference in these regions.
Since the mid-1990s, a downward trend in sex ratios at birth has been observed across Korea. The national average of the sex ratio decreased from 115.5 in 1994 to 108.7 in 2003 (KNSO, 2004). As indicated in Table 3, this downward trend is mainly due to the substantial decline in sex ratios for parity 2 and above. The major reasons for the decline can be stated as follows:

Table 3
Sex ratio at birth by region and parity (South Korea, 1994 and 2000)
IMGIMGParity of women Region 1 2 3 4+ Tota...IMGIMF
Parity of women Region 1 2 3 4+ Total Whole country 19942000 106.1.106.2 114.3.107.4 205.6.141.7 237.0.165.4 115.5.110.2 Taegu 1994 2000 104.3104.6 125.9 111.4 320.1 194.4 351.1 164.9 121.4 113.4 Kyongbuk 1994 2000 105.4 108.7 128.9 109.9 279.0 156.2 269.6 155.9 124.3 113.6 Kyongnam 1994 2000 103.9 105.8 122.7 110.0 270.2 160.6 304.9 186.9 120.2 112.7 Source: Korea National Statistical Office (KNSO, 1995, pp. 82-87, 2004).

Strong government intervention. Korean law prohibits testing to identify the sex of a foetus. Strong policy measures to prevent prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion have been implemented through medical guidelines, norms and codes. Harsh penalties and regulations have been imposed for violations since 1992. Some of the doctors who conducted illegal sex-selective abortions were stripped of their medical licenses and prosecuted for their acts.
Massive media campaign. The media campaigns, widely conducted from the beginning of 1991, were successful in encouraging couples to change their attitudes toward sex-selective abortion in a short period of time.
Long term policies. They were aimed at reducing sex discrimination against women. Strong efforts have been made to bring about changes in gender role norms, values, and attitudes as well as to improve the status of women through effective education and employment programmes.
At the time of writing, young couples are less likely than the older generation to accept the ideology of patriarchy and traditional gender roles and, as a result, attitudinal and behavioural expressions of son preference have diminished. However, it is still not known whether sex ratios at birth will return to the normal range in the near future. In 2000, it appears from Table 3 that sex ratios for parity 3 and above were still abnormally high.
In the literature, high sex ratio at birth in Asia has been attributed to three factors: under-registration of female births, excess female infant mortality and sex-selective abortion (Roy, 1994; Das Gupta, 1999; Arnold et al., 2002; Bélanger, 2003). Unlike the case of China, there is no evidence of female infanticide and under-registration of female births in Korea (Kim, 1997b). Moreover, it seems improbable that the rise in sex ratios at birth is due to excessive female infant mortality prior to registration (Park and Cho, 1994). Finally, higher mortality of girls resulting from differential care and treatment in early infancy [3] and in childhood is not observed in Korea (Kim, 1997b) as it is in India. Thus, excessive sex ratios at birth and juvenile sex ratios are the expression of discrimination mainly due to sex-selective abortions.
 
III. Son-selective reproductive behaviour
 
 
1. A conceptual framework
Based on these observations, we now discuss the theoretical implications. A conceptual scheme was developed to provide possible explanations for the sharp rise in sex ratio at birth. In this study, son-selective reproductive behaviour refers to prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion. It is hypothesized that son-selective reproductive behaviour is a function of four factors: son preference, current fertility, desired family size, and medical technology (Kim, 1997a).
There is little doubt that motivations for prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion stem from strong son preference along with gender discrimination against women. The risk and insecurity that patriarchy imposes on women represent a powerful systematic incentive to prefer raising sons. The desire for sons is not simply due to higher working incomes or their role in reducing the economic uncertainty facing households. Women who, for whatever reason, have no son could face a very uncertain future as they are more vulnerable and marginalized. This may explain why women are more likely to be highly motivated for son-selective reproductive behaviour.
The socioeconomic and cultural structure of the community develops certain norms and values that permit and prescribe individual decision making concerning reproductive behavior. Strong son preference is associated with these norms and institutionalized values, which are influenced by the community setting. As regards the regions of Taegu, Kyongbuk, and Kyongnam, they are well known for their conservative cultural traditions. The salient distortions in sex ratios observed in these regions can thus be attributed to their stronger son preference and gender discrimination against women.
Given the cultural setting of son preference, motivations for son-selective reproductive behaviour are influenced by current fertility and desired family size. Current fertility refers to the sex composition as well as the number of children a woman already has. The desired family size is the number of surviving children a woman wants to have. Motivations for son-selective reproductive behaviour are likely to be stronger for women with higher parity. Couples with only daughter(s) are more likely to resort to prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion if the number of children they already have is close to or above the desired family size. This would not be the case for those who already have a son or sons.
Moreover, one can postulate that the extent of son-selective reproductive behaviour among women at any given parity depends on desired family size. The smaller the desired family size, the higher the probability of women being without a son. Consequently, a larger proportion of women will opt for prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion. Therefore, as desired family size becomes smaller, other things being equal, the effects of son-selective reproductive behaviour on sex ratio at birth for a given population is likely to be greater.
Although son preference is a necessary condition for prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion, it is not a sufficient condition. Expression of son preference depends on, and can be strengthened by medical technologies. Without medical technologies that enable identification of the sex of a foetus and sex-selective abortion, there are not many paths through which son preference affects the level of sex ratio at birth.
Medical technologies for prenatal sex screening became widely available and accessible around the mid-1980s in Korea. There are three medical technologies currently available to identify the sex of a foetus: chorionic villi sampling, amniocentesis, or ultrasound scanning [4]. Among them, ultrasound scanning is the least expensive and simplest method, and is thus performed most often in Korea. Despite harsh penalties and regulations imposed for violations, prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion have been widely performed.
The practice of prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion depends on the cost of these medical technologies weighed against the strength of the couple’s desire to have a son. Given the strength of son preference in Korea, the financial and psychological costs associated with these medical technologies do not appear to be a heavy burden. Access to these technologies has not been limited to urban populations and the middle class. Korea has experienced relative uniformity of son-selective reproductive behaviour using these technologies irrespective of residence, geographical region, or socioeconomic status. This explains the nationwide increase in sex ratio at birth between the mid-1980s and the mid1990s.
2. Prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortions: demographic implications
Considering the unusually high sex ratios in Table 2, it can be concluded that regional differentials in sex ratio are related to artificial gender controls, i.e., prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion. Results from a sampling survey conducted in Korea in 1991 revealed that a fairly large proportion of women did not object to son-selective reproductive behaviour: 31.9% of women with experience of induced abortion were in favour of prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion; the counterpart figure was 24.8% for those without experience of induced abortion. It is also surprising that women in rural areas had more favourable attitudes than those in urban areas (Kong et al., 1992).
The abortion rate has been extremely high in Korea. Based on a survey of married women, a government report estimated that 422,000 induced abortions were conducted in 1990 (MHSA, 1994). This implies that 39.6% of total pregnancies of married women were terminated by induced abortions, and that there were 66 abortions for every 100 live births. This estimate does not take account of induced abortions among unmarried women, and under-enumeration due to self-reporting.
Unfortunately, there is no hard data available on son-selective reproductive behaviour. Moreover, due to problems of small sample size or low reliability, data on induced abortions or sex-selective abortions do not allow in-depth analyses of factors such as regional differentials.
The high sex ratio at birth raises the question of how many pregnant women actually undertake prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion. We used an indirect method to address this issue: two demographic simulations were conducted. The first purpose was to examine how prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion affect sex ratios at birth. Furthermore, we sought to evaluate whether the average number of children should decrease because of son-selective reproductive behaviour. Concerning the first simulation, we established the eight following hypotheses:
  1. The number of women at pregnancy order 1 is 10,000.
  2. The sex ratio at birth without prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion is hypothesized as 107.0 males for 100 females. This is equivalent to 51.69 % of males and 48.31 % of females. This is the mean value of sex ratios at birth for the first parity for the period 1972-2001.
  3. Pregnant women at pregnancy order 1 do not undertake prenatal sex screening. However, 6.0%, 48.0% and 54.5% of pregnant women at pregnancy order 2, 3 and 4, respectively, undertake prenatal sex screening. These proportions more or less tally with the parity-wise sex ratios at birth observed in 1994 (Table 2). These women deliver live children if foetuses are identified as sons. In the case of female foetuses, they abort and move on to the next pregnancy order.
  4. Fifty per cent of women who produce a son from their first pregnancy subsequently terminate their reproductive behaviour. This parameter was roughly estimated on the basis of analyses of the 1990 and 1995 census data.
  5. The remaining 50% of women who produce a son from their first pregnancy do not go through prenatal sex screening at pregnancy order 2, and terminate their reproductive behaviour after the birth of the second child regardless of sex.
  6. A woman who had a daughter from her first pregnancy keeps moving on to the next pregnancy order until she has a son. She terminates reproductive behaviour once she has produced a son.
  7. The maximum number of pregnancies is limited to 4.
  8. A woman who undertakes prenatal sex screening and abortion for two consecutive pregnancies delivers her first child without prenatal sex screening at pregnancy order 4.
Table 4 summarizes the procedures and results from the first simulation. The total number of abortions is counted to be 1,053. We observe a big jump in the proportion of women undergoing prenatal sex screening between pregnancy order 1 and 2. The total number of children born from 10,000 women is 19,824, consisting of 10,791 males and 9,033 females. Therefore, the running of the first simulation resulted in a sex ratio at birth of 119.5.

Table 4
Effects of prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion on the sex ratio at birth: results from the first simulation (South Korea)
IMGIMGPrenatal sex screening Without prena...IMGIMF
Prenatal sex screening Without prenatal sex screening Pregnancy order Number of women Number of women Result Number of women Result Pregnancy outcome Number of children born Next step 1 10,000 10,000 M: 5,169 F: 4,831 Delivery Delivery M: 5,169 F: 4,831 50% Stop Continue 2 7,416 445 (6.0%) M: 230 F: 215 2,585 4,386 M: 1,336 F: 1,249 M: 2,267 F: 2,119 Delivery Delivery Delivery Abortion Delivery Delivery M: 3,833 F: 3,368 Stop Stop Stop Continue Stop Continue 3 2,334 1,120 (48.0%) M: 579 F: 541 1,214 M: 628 F: 586 Delivery Abortion Delivery Delivery M: 1,207 F: 586 Stop Continue stop cpntinue 4 1,127 614 (54.5%) M: 317 F: 297 50 463 M: 26 F: 24 M: 239 F: 224 Delivery Delivery Delivery Abortion Delivery Delivery M: 582 F: 248 Stop Stop Stop Stop Stop Stop Results: Total number of children: 19,824 (male: 10,791; female: 9,033). Average number of children: 1.98. Total number of abortions: 1,053. Sex ratio at birth: 119.5.

A second demographic simulation was conducted assuming that there is no prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion, while maintaining the other hypotheses. As shown in Table 5, the total number of children yielded from the second simulation is 22,730: 11,749 males and 10,981 females. The average number of children becomes 2.27, which is 0.29 higher than that from the first simulation. Without prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion, the sex ratio at birth has the normal value of 107.0 as hypothesized.

Table 5
Results from the second simulation (without prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion) South Korea
IMGIMGPregnancy order Number of women Numb...IMGIMF
Pregnancy order Number of women Number of children born Nex step 1 10,000 M: 5,169 F: 4,831 50% Stop Continue 2 7,416 M: 3,833 F: 3,583 Stop Continue 3 3,583 M: 1,852 F: 1,731 Stop Continue 4 1,731 M: 895 F: 836 Stop Stop Results: Total number of children: 22,730 (male: 11,749; female: 10,981). Average number of children: 2.27. Sex ratio at birth: 107.0.

Thus, we can conclude that prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortions raise sex ratio at birth, and, at the same time, play a role in lowering the level of fertility. Given the unusually high sex ratio at birth evidenced in the past decades in Korea, the results from these simulations lead to conjecture that a very large proportion of pregnant women, especially those with higher parity, must have undergone prenatal sex screening and sex-selective abortion.
 
Concluding remarks
 
 
Son-selective reproductive behavior is likely to result in negative health impacts on women due to repeated abortions or miscarriages following prenatal sex screening procedures such as amniocentesis. At a macro-level, distortions in sex composition are likely to affect virtually all social institutions and represent a major force in social change. A serious concern about imbalanced sex ratio has been reported in Korea because it could lead to changes in social stability, economic organization, political dominance, and the overall structure of society. This study does not claim to be exhaustive concerning the demographic and social impacts of imbalanced sex ratio at birth. It aims to be illustrative, and highlights some of the issues considered to be most significant.
One of the most commonly feared implications of high sex ratio at birth appears to be a possible marriage squeeze in the near future. If the present trend in sex ratio at birth is extended, then every successive group of men entering the marriage market will become relatively larger than the number of women. If son preference and thus son-selective reproductive behaviour continues, fewer men will find eligible women to marry.
The situation would be worse if the declining trend in fertility and the current age difference between brides and grooms is maintained. As the absolute number of births becomes smaller every year, and men look for younger women to marry, the surplus of men in the marriage market will grow.
The marriage squeeze will inevitably affect marriage patterns. Already, the age gap between brides and grooms has recently changed in Korea. For example, marriages between older brides and younger grooms and between same-aged brides and grooms have greatly increased, reaching 25% of all new marriages in 2001. Furthermore, 5.6% of all new marriages in 2001 were found to be between a man without previous marital experience and a woman who had already been married (Kwon and Kim, 2002, pp. 311). If the current level of sex ratio at birth continues into the future, a substantial proportion of men may have to look for imported brides or choose to remain single, as some young men currently do in rural areas.
Conversely, the demographic imbalance in sex ratio could also have positive consequences. The shortage of women may undermine traditional beliefs, norms, and values which influence discrimination against women. Consequently, the shortage of women may end up by improving women’s status, and usher in self-correcting adaptations. Nevertheless, Korean society will clearly face major challenges whichever negative or positive consequences prevail.
 
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NOTES
 
[*]Department of Sociology, Hanyang University, Seoul.
[1]For example, the annual rate of international migration was estimated at –0.9 and –0.7‰ for 1985-1990 and 1990-1995, respectively (Kim, 2004).
[2]The household registration data, vital statistics and various published reports on regional statistics for the years 1985, 1990 and 1995 were used for ANOVA and OLS/logistic regression analyses.
[3]In fact, recent government statistics show no sex-specific differences in infant survival; the infant mortality rate was estimated at 6.1‰ for boys, and 5.9‰ for girls (KNSO, 2001).
[4]Chorionic villi sampling is a method that involves collecting a small sample of placenta tissue. It is applicable in the early stages of pregnancy (10-11 weeks) and has a lower risk of induced abortion than amniocentesis. This method is the most expensive in Korea. Amniocentesis is a test of amniotic fluid. It is applicable after 16 weeks of pregnancy. Ultrasound scanning is the safest method, but is applicable only after the third to fourth month of pregnancy.
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[*]
Department of Sociology, Hanyang University, Seoul. Suite de la note...
[1]
For example, the annual rate of international migration was...
[suite] Suite de la note...
[2]
The household registration data, vital statistics and vario...
[suite] Suite de la note...
[3]
In fact, recent government statistics show no sex-specific d...
[suite] Suite de la note...
[4]
Chorionic villi sampling is a method that involves collecti...
[suite] Suite de la note...
Regional differentials in juvenile sex ratio (South Korea, 1995)
Trends in sex ratio at birth by parity (South Korea, 1980-2003)